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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
Lexington
A pre-Christmas lull2 in political combat probably means less than meets the eye
THE idea of the Christmas truce3 is a potent4 one. A celebrated5 example took place in December 1914, when first-world-war troops climbed warily7 from trenches at points along the Western Front. As freezing fog swirled8, British and allied9 soldiers met German foes10 to barter11 cigarettes, sing carols and kick footballs on no-man's-land. The moment passed into myth, inspiring poems, films and a (pretty terrible) Paul McCartney song. Britain is marking the centenary lavishly12, with a new monument and memorial football matches around the world. Far-off Washington was not left out, with British and Canadian diplomats13 playing a German-embassy team in America's capital on December 14th.
Yet the meaning of Christmas 1914 is in danger of being muddled14. In too many tellings, the truce is hailed as something between a protest and a premonition: a declaration of shared humanity by ordinary soldiers, before heartless commanders sent them to their deaths. History's record is more complicated. That first December the trenches were newly dug, and both sides could imagine that total victory was at hand. The small-scale Christmas truces15 of 1914 were as much a display of misplaced confidence as an outbreak of pacifism. The truces' moral is rather bleak16: those embarking17 on the first industrial war had little idea of the murderous stalemate that lay ahead. After bitter reality sank in, few called for cheery Christmas games with the enemy.
Without stretching the analogy too far, lessons are there for Congress, after members marked the holiday season with a moment of unusual comity18. After a tense few days, including a Saturday session in the Senate, members of the House of Representatives and senators avoided shutting the government down, crossing party lines to pass a $1.1 trillion spending bill. This marked a win for the Republicans' “governing wing”: party members who believe that voters, having handed them control of both chambers19 of Congress in November's mid-term elections, expect them to do more than shout “No” during President Barack Obama's final two years in office. Such Republicans formed coalitions20 with moderate Democrats21 to push back populists on the right and left who opposed elements of the spending bill with enough fervour to flirt22 with closing down the government. Front-page headlines hailed a “rare bipartisan success”, and Senate veterans used such words as “hope”.
In a striking display of establishment confidence, Republican senators publicly berated23 their colleague Ted6 Cruz of Texas, a darling of the grassroots, putative24 presidential contender and the man chiefly responsible for forcing the Senate back into session over the weekend. Mr Cruz had held up the spending bill to demand a show-vote on whether the constitution allows Mr Obama to shield millions of migrants from deportation—a ploy25 that had no chance of stopping the president but did delight Cruz supporters (and inadvertently allowed Democrats extra time to confirm some contested presidential nominees26 before ceding27 control of the Senate). Though 21 colleagues felt it prudent28 to join Mr Cruz in a symbolic29 vote condemning30 Mr Obama's immigration policy, many more opposed him.
A rebellion on the Democratic left was also seen off. Its leader, Senator Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts, vocally31 opposed a provision in the spending bill which, at Wall Street's behest, weakens a part of the Dodd-Frank financial-reform law that forces banks to shift some derivatives32 away from government safety nets. Like Mr Cruz, Ms Warren has a talent for reducing complex policy to stirring battle-cries, calling the spending bill—an unlovely collection of gifts to special interests, with goodies for Democrats and Republicans, but few big policy shifts—“a vote for future taxpayer33 bail-outs of Wall Street” which, if repeated, might leave America with “no financial regulations at all”.
Other Democrats saw a larger interest in taking the best deal they could get, in the last days before Republicans assume control of both the House and the Senate in the new year. During their Saturday session such pragmatic Democrats joined a bipartisan group of senators singing carols around a piano just off the Senate floor, and crooning “I'll Be Home for Christmas”.
Alas34, the signs are that powerful forces in both parties saw the spending deal as a momentary35, tactical ceasefire. Detached observers may see American democracy as increasingly locked in a 50-50 stalemate, in which Democrats dominate urban areas and enjoy a slight majority among the overall population, while Republicans have the edge among those citizens (notably older, whiter and richer folk) who reliably vote. Both parties may have fought each other to a draw in a technological36 arms race, perfecting gerrymandering, data-mining, and voter-targeting tools which allow core supporters to be fired up and turned out to vote with unprecedented37 efficiency. But—like massed armies in 1914—partisans38 still dream that sweeping39 victories are within grasp.
One more heave, and on to victory
Many on the right think that Republicans have a simple mandate40 once they fully41 control Congress: to thwart42 Mr Obama on every front until a proper conservative takes the White House in 2016 (two-thirds of Republicans told a recent Pew Research Centre poll that their party leaders should “stand up” to Mr Obama, even if less gets done in Washington as a result). Many on the left are sure that a majority of Americans loathe43 Wall Street and believe that the middle classes have been stiffed, giving a fiery44 economic populist like Ms Warren a clear path to power (on December 13th more than 300 former Obama campaign staff signed a letter calling on the Massachusetts senator to run for president).
In short, too many partisans on left and right look at an unhappy electorate45 and see woes46 that can be harnessed to bring them victory without the need to compromise. It is a relief that America's government was not shut down this Christmas. But do not mistake a lull in combat for lasting47 peace.
1 trenches | |
深沟,地沟( trench的名词复数 ); 战壕 | |
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2 lull | |
v.使安静,使入睡,缓和,哄骗;n.暂停,间歇 | |
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3 truce | |
n.休战,(争执,烦恼等的)缓和;v.以停战结束 | |
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4 potent | |
adj.强有力的,有权势的;有效力的 | |
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5 celebrated | |
adj.有名的,声誉卓著的 | |
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6 ted | |
vt.翻晒,撒,撒开 | |
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7 warily | |
adv.留心地 | |
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8 swirled | |
v.旋转,打旋( swirl的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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9 allied | |
adj.协约国的;同盟国的 | |
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10 foes | |
敌人,仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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11 barter | |
n.物物交换,以货易货,实物交易 | |
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12 lavishly | |
adv.慷慨地,大方地 | |
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13 diplomats | |
n.外交官( diplomat的名词复数 );有手腕的人,善于交际的人 | |
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14 muddled | |
adj.混乱的;糊涂的;头脑昏昏然的v.弄乱,弄糟( muddle的过去式);使糊涂;对付,混日子 | |
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15 truces | |
休战( truce的名词复数 ); 停战(协定); 停止争辩(的协议); 中止 | |
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16 bleak | |
adj.(天气)阴冷的;凄凉的;暗淡的 | |
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17 embarking | |
乘船( embark的现在分词 ); 装载; 从事 | |
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18 comity | |
n.礼让,礼仪;团结,联合 | |
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19 chambers | |
n.房间( chamber的名词复数 );(议会的)议院;卧室;会议厅 | |
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20 coalitions | |
结合体,同盟( coalition的名词复数 ); (两党或多党)联合政府 | |
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21 democrats | |
n.民主主义者,民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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22 flirt | |
v.调情,挑逗,调戏;n.调情者,卖俏者 | |
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23 berated | |
v.严厉责备,痛斥( berate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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24 putative | |
adj.假定的 | |
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25 ploy | |
n.花招,手段 | |
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26 nominees | |
n.被提名者,被任命者( nominee的名词复数 ) | |
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27 ceding | |
v.让给,割让,放弃( cede的现在分词 ) | |
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28 prudent | |
adj.谨慎的,有远见的,精打细算的 | |
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29 symbolic | |
adj.象征性的,符号的,象征主义的 | |
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30 condemning | |
v.(通常因道义上的原因而)谴责( condemn的现在分词 );宣判;宣布…不能使用;迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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31 vocally | |
adv. 用声音, 用口头, 藉著声音 | |
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32 derivatives | |
n.衍生性金融商品;派生物,引出物( derivative的名词复数 );导数 | |
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33 taxpayer | |
n.纳税人 | |
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34 alas | |
int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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35 momentary | |
adj.片刻的,瞬息的;短暂的 | |
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36 technological | |
adj.技术的;工艺的 | |
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37 unprecedented | |
adj.无前例的,新奇的 | |
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38 partisans | |
游击队员( partisan的名词复数 ); 党人; 党羽; 帮伙 | |
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39 sweeping | |
adj.范围广大的,一扫无遗的 | |
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40 mandate | |
n.托管地;命令,指示 | |
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41 fully | |
adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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42 thwart | |
v.阻挠,妨碍,反对;adj.横(断的) | |
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43 loathe | |
v.厌恶,嫌恶 | |
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44 fiery | |
adj.燃烧着的,火红的;暴躁的;激烈的 | |
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45 electorate | |
n.全体选民;选区 | |
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46 woes | |
困境( woe的名词复数 ); 悲伤; 我好苦哇; 某人就要倒霉 | |
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47 lasting | |
adj.永久的,永恒的;vbl.持续,维持 | |
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