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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
Campaign organizers
New and mysterious, the campaign organiser is credited with mighty2 powers
ROBIN3 MCGHEE's desk is a library of transatlantic electoral wisdom.
“The Audacity4 to Win: The Inside Story and Lessons of Barack Obama's Historic Victory”, reads one title.
“Respect, Empower, Include”, urges another, a manual for Democratic Party activists5 in Colorado.
Mr McGhee's choice of literature is apt: although he works for the Liberal Democrats6 in Bristol,
his job as a professional campaigner is an American import.
Organisers are fairly new to Britain: parties have generally concentrated their paid staff in London,
leaving the ground war to candidates and volunteers.
But that is changing. The three main parties were all deeply impressed by Mr Obama's presidential machines in 2008 and 2012,
which used professional campaigners to cultivate a decentralised army of self-starting local volunteers.
All three now have organisers in their target constituencies and in some seats they already hold.
Party bosses talk about these hires, who tend to be recent graduates, in reverential tones.
“Ah,” they chide7 sceptical journalists, “but you haven't considered our organisers.”
The life of these political operators has its hardships.
They receive only basic training before being dispatched to the sticks.
On arriving in constituencies, often with little local knowledge,
a new organiser must be part management consultant8, part social worker, fixing problems and soothing9 activists' egos10.
The hours can be long. Some work from rented bedrooms, coffee shops or, in one case, the clinic of a Labour-supporting psychiatrist11.
Most endure it all out of party loyalty12 and personal ambition, seeing organising as the springboard to a political career.
For their employers the advantages are more immediate13.
Prospective14 MPs increasingly enjoy high-flying jobs (often elsewhere in politics) before running for office,
so may have less time to run their own campaigns.
Local party machines even in crucial marginal seats can be doddery,
disorganised and dominated by the few truculent15 oddballs inclined to turn up to meetings.
Organisers can purportedly16 inject a dose of youthful dynamism into such outfits17.
They report to national headquarters, so faithfully enact18 party strategies.
They must also hit monthly canvassing19 targets. The Labour Party circulates rankings comparing organisers' results.
Paddy Ashdown, a pugnacious20 grandee21, polices the performance of their Lib Dem counterparts.
Organisers also contribute computer know-how22. Some elderly local activists are not comfortable using the snazzy voter databases purchased at great expense by party headquarters.
Hiring people like Mr McGhee ensures that the new technology does not go to waste.
In his Bristol office, he scrolls23 through voter categories, selecting “Labour-leaning”,
“pensioners” and “Bishopston ward” and generating a list that can be beamed, via an app, to canvassers' mobile phones.
Besides persuading existing party members to get their act together, organisers are supposed to recruit new ones.
Following the Obama playbook, that means asking members to invite friends,
relatives and co-workers to meetings on local issues like bus services and child care.
“A bit like a pyramid scheme,” says one British party strategist, only half-joking.
Churches, mosques24, neighbourhood watch schemes and trade unions also provide routes to prospective supporters.
Partly for this reason (but mostly in response to a vote-rigging scandal in a candidate selection last year)
on March 1st Labour reformed its long-standing relationship with the unions to give local parties and organisers direct access to individual union members.
But the new methods may not be all they are cracked up to be.
America's earnest, decentralised political culture does not always appeal to starchy Britons.
In the last two presidential elections, Mr Obama's supporters held hundreds of house parties at which they implored25 their friends to support the campaign.
In his ill-fated bid for the leadership of the Labour Party in 2010,
David Miliband attempted to import this practice to Britain. Few supporters took up the invitation, which was widely mocked.
And though campaign organisers are meant to revive local political volunteering, they might have the opposite effect.
The arrival of one of these miracle-workers in a constituency risks giving harried26 candidates and disengaged activists the perfect opportunity to dump boring grunt27 work like canvassing and envelope-stuffing on the new recruit.
If they do, organisers could end up speeding the professionalisation of politics, which they were supposed to be reversing.
1 genie | |
n.妖怪,神怪 | |
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2 mighty | |
adj.强有力的;巨大的 | |
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3 robin | |
n.知更鸟,红襟鸟 | |
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4 audacity | |
n.大胆,卤莽,无礼 | |
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5 activists | |
n.(政治活动的)积极分子,活动家( activist的名词复数 ) | |
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6 democrats | |
n.民主主义者,民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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7 chide | |
v.叱责;谴责 | |
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8 consultant | |
n.顾问;会诊医师,专科医生 | |
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9 soothing | |
adj.慰藉的;使人宽心的;镇静的 | |
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10 egos | |
自我,自尊,自负( ego的名词复数 ) | |
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11 psychiatrist | |
n.精神病专家;精神病医师 | |
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12 loyalty | |
n.忠诚,忠心 | |
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13 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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14 prospective | |
adj.预期的,未来的,前瞻性的 | |
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15 truculent | |
adj.野蛮的,粗野的 | |
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16 purportedly | |
adv.据称 | |
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17 outfits | |
n.全套装备( outfit的名词复数 );一套服装;集体;组织v.装备,配置设备,供给服装( outfit的第三人称单数 ) | |
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18 enact | |
vt.制定(法律);上演,扮演 | |
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19 canvassing | |
v.(在政治方面)游说( canvass的现在分词 );调查(如选举前选民的)意见;为讨论而提出(意见等);详细检查 | |
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20 pugnacious | |
adj.好斗的 | |
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21 grandee | |
n.贵族;大公 | |
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22 know-how | |
n.知识;技术;诀窍 | |
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23 scrolls | |
n.(常用于录写正式文件的)纸卷( scroll的名词复数 );卷轴;涡卷形(装饰);卷形花纹v.(电脑屏幕上)从上到下移动(资料等),卷页( scroll的第三人称单数 );(似卷轴般)卷起;(像展开卷轴般地)将文字显示于屏幕 | |
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24 mosques | |
清真寺; 伊斯兰教寺院,清真寺; 清真寺,伊斯兰教寺院( mosque的名词复数 ) | |
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25 implored | |
恳求或乞求(某人)( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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26 harried | |
v.使苦恼( harry的过去式和过去分词 );不断烦扰;一再袭击;侵扰 | |
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27 grunt | |
v.嘟哝;作呼噜声;n.呼噜声,嘟哝 | |
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