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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
Rising crime statistics are not all that they seem
In the run up to the midterms, we keep hearing about a crime wave. But the claims are often rife2 with misinformation and racism3.
STEVE INSKEEP, HOST:
Talk with voters this fall, and it won't take long for someone to mention crime. It is a problem that people feel. Republicans, in their media, have played up the threat of crime during this election season, but what do the numbers really show? NPR's Sandhya Dirks reports.
SANDHYA DIRKS, BYLINE4: Is crime really rising? Turns out that question is incredibly complicated. So is the answer. Take the FBI crime statistics for 2021 - at first glance, up on homicides, down on property crimes, similar to 2020. But because of a long-planned change in reporting standards, most cities didn't report their 2021 crime numbers to the FBI, says Fordham law professor John Pfaff.
JOHN PFAFF: It's turned our crime data into just sort of a giant black hole.
DIRKS: The stories we tell about crime are filled with holes, rife with misinformation, Pfaff says - even when we have more complete data.
PFAFF: The other, I think, big mistake we make with crime narratives5 is the effort to tell a narrative6, right? Crime is deeply local.
DIRKS: While it sometimes feels like crime is rising everywhere, that's just not how it works. And it's important to take the long view. Property crime is near historic lows. There was a significant spike7 in homicides in 2020, but it's still nothing like back in the '90s. There's another really important question - what do we even mean by crime?
PFAFF: We generally talk about - crime is up or crime is down. It's referring to sort of this small core set of what the FBI calls index one crimes.
DIRKS: That's murder, robbery, rape8, aggravated9 assault, larceny10, burglary and auto11 theft.
PFAFF: Sometimes arson12, sometimes not.
DIRKS: Pfaff says, look, many of these are serious, significant crimes. But that list was chosen by a group of police chiefs almost 100 years ago, and it hasn't changed since.
ROBERT VARGAS: I don't think crime data actually tells you all that much.
DIRKS: That's University of Chicago sociologist13 Robert Vargas. He says the way crime is defined is biased14 from the start.
VARGAS: I mean, it tells you how police behave as an organization.
DIRKS: Someone shoplifting tampons or diapers from a pharmacy15 counts as a crime. But a corporation stealing millions of their workers' wages doesn't. Tax evasion16 doesn't. Big companies committing environmental crimes? Nope - because those aren't investigated by traditional police. In our system, perpetrators of what we call crime are more likely to be poor people - not because poor people commit more crimes or hurt more people - they don't - but because that's how crime is defined. It's not just which crimes count and which don't, Vargas says. It's also who police target.
VARGAS: They're going after people selling drugs, people committing traffic violations17, oftentimes in poor neighborhoods - poor Black and brown neighborhoods and not other neighborhoods.
DIRKS: Black and brown people are policed and arrested at much higher levels than white people, says Rena Karefa-Johnson with the advocacy group Forward U.S.
RENA KAREFA-JOHNSON: If you are a young Black kid who goes to school in a big city, where there are police at your school - if you get in a physical fight with another student, that is often seen as a crime.
DIRKS: But if you're a white kid at a more affluent18 or private school, where there aren't police, and you get into a fight...
KAREFA-JOHNSON: It's not something that we see thought about as a crime.
DIRKS: So when we turn on the nightly news, we're hearing a very slanted19 story about crime, says Alec Karakatsanis, a civil rights lawyer and activist20.
ALEC KARAKATSANIS: When people talk about a crime wave, they're basing that on very distorted set of data the police themselves are manipulating and curating for their own political reasons.
DIRKS: Take Wisconsin, where the Fraternal Order of Police, among other law enforcement agencies, have endorsed21 Republican Senator Ron Johnson for re-election. Johnson is running as tough on crime, but he's also called the criminal January 6 attack on the Capitol a peaceful protest by people who love this country. He has said he would have been concerned had they been Black Lives Matter protesters instead. Republicans are pushing the narrative of a crime wave in ads like this one, falsely attacking Johnson's opponent, Mandela Barnes.
(SOUNDBITE OF POLITICAL AD)
UNIDENTIFIED PERSON: Even with shootings, robberies, carjackings, violent attacks on our police, more than 300 murders last year alone - yet Barnes has even supported defunding the police.
DIRKS: Barnes is Black, like all of the alleged22 criminals depicted23 in the ad.
INSHA RAHMAN: There's huge amounts of money and private interests behind these ads...
DIRKS: That's Insha Rahman with the Vera Institute.
RAHMAN: ...And they have real impact on what happens in our elections.
DIRKS: Rahman says people confuse crime with not feeling safe. Worry about crime is often a code for white racial anxiety. Rahman says Republicans continue to be seen by many voters as better on crime, even when people know their tough-on-crime solutions have repeatedly proven unsuccessful.
RAHMAN: But when it's the only option on offer, it's what people go to because, in the absence of a proactive affirmative vision for safety, you pick the thing that you know, even if you know it doesn't really work.
DIRKS: Democrats24, she says, have failed to give any alternative for what safety could look like. Take the defund the police accusation25, like the one against Mandela Barnes. Most Democrats respond by saying...
RAHMAN: No, no. I want to fund the police more. I support the police. At least from the polling, that's not a very effective tactic26, but that's the only response that we are seeing to those attacks.
DIRKS: This messaging around crime - it scares people, but it doesn't really offer solutions, says Rena Karefa-Johnson, because it isn't meant for the people most impacted by the crime that is rising - homicide.
KAREFA-JOHNSON: The communities that are most uniquely harmed by gun violence are also the communities that are most uniquely harmed by long sentences, by pretrial detention27, by draconian28 approaches to criminal justice reform.
DIRKS: She says these crime wave narratives are part of a historical pattern - after racial and social justice protests comes a backlash. Here's civil rights lawyer Alec Karakatsanis.
KARAKATSANIS: It's very important for powerful people, especially in moments of uprising and moments of social unrest, to attempt to create a moral panic around crime.
DIRKS: Moral panics are way of pushing back against change or reform - a way of preserving the status quo. But this time, it isn't about keeping things the way they've been, Karakatsanis says, because, while the Republican Party is running on a moral panic about crime, they're also openly anti-democratic.
KARAKATSANIS: The reactionary29 backlash against the protests of 2020 is coming at a time when this country is hurtling fast toward fascist30 and authoritarian31 life.
DIRKS: And in response, both Republicans and Democrats are calling for more police. So Karakatsanis says the question isn't, is crime really rising? Instead, we should be asking, what really makes us safe?
I'm Sandhya Dirks, NPR News.
(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC)
1 transcript | |
n.抄本,誊本,副本,肄业证书 | |
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2 rife | |
adj.(指坏事情)充斥的,流行的,普遍的 | |
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3 racism | |
n.民族主义;种族歧视(意识) | |
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4 byline | |
n.署名;v.署名 | |
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5 narratives | |
记叙文( narrative的名词复数 ); 故事; 叙述; 叙述部分 | |
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6 narrative | |
n.叙述,故事;adj.叙事的,故事体的 | |
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7 spike | |
n.长钉,钉鞋;v.以大钉钉牢,使...失效 | |
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8 rape | |
n.抢夺,掠夺,强奸;vt.掠夺,抢夺,强奸 | |
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9 aggravated | |
使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 ); 使更严重; 激怒; 使恼火 | |
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10 larceny | |
n.盗窃(罪) | |
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11 auto | |
n.(=automobile)(口语)汽车 | |
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12 arson | |
n.纵火,放火 | |
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13 sociologist | |
n.研究社会学的人,社会学家 | |
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14 biased | |
a.有偏见的 | |
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15 pharmacy | |
n.药房,药剂学,制药业,配药业,一批备用药品 | |
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16 evasion | |
n.逃避,偷漏(税) | |
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17 violations | |
违反( violation的名词复数 ); 冒犯; 违反(行为、事例); 强奸 | |
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18 affluent | |
adj.富裕的,富有的,丰富的,富饶的 | |
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19 slanted | |
有偏见的; 倾斜的 | |
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20 activist | |
n.活动分子,积极分子 | |
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21 endorsed | |
vt.& vi.endorse的过去式或过去分词形式v.赞同( endorse的过去式和过去分词 );在(尤指支票的)背面签字;在(文件的)背面写评论;在广告上说本人使用并赞同某产品 | |
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22 alleged | |
a.被指控的,嫌疑的 | |
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23 depicted | |
描绘,描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 ); 描述 | |
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24 democrats | |
n.民主主义者,民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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25 accusation | |
n.控告,指责,谴责 | |
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26 tactic | |
n.战略,策略;adj.战术的,有策略的 | |
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27 detention | |
n.滞留,停留;拘留,扣留;(教育)留下 | |
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28 draconian | |
adj.严苛的;苛刻的;严酷的;龙一样的 | |
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29 reactionary | |
n.反动者,反动主义者;adj.反动的,反动主义的,反对改革的 | |
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30 fascist | |
adj.法西斯主义的;法西斯党的;n.法西斯主义者,法西斯分子 | |
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31 authoritarian | |
n./adj.专制(的),专制主义者,独裁主义者 | |
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