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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
Struggle for gender1 equality in Iran began generations before the latest protests
In light of the ongoing3 protests in Iran, NPR history podcast Throughline explores Iranian women's long history of political activism.
LEILA FADEL, HOST:
For nearly two months, Iranians have been protesting following the death of a woman in the custody4 of Iran's morality police. She was detained for allegedly wearing her hijab inappropriately. And her name was Mahsa Amini. She's also known by her Kurdish name, Jina Amini. She's from Iran's Kurdish minority, which has historically faced state repression6. Now, the symbol of the protests following her death has often been the hijab, but the story goes much deeper than that. Today Rund Abdelfatah and Ramtin Arablouei from NPR's history podcast Throughline explore how women's long history of political activism in Iran is also part of the Iranian people's fight for self-determination.
(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC)
RUND ABDELFATAH, BYLINE7: Women have been at the center of politics in Iran for more than a hundred years. By the time of the Iranian Revolution in 1979, they'd won freedoms, including the right to vote and initiate8 divorce.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
UNIDENTIFIED REPORTER #1: The end of Iran's monarchy9 came early today when Khomeini's followers10 took control of the palace of the shah.
ABDELFATAH: But within weeks of toppling the shah, Iran's new leader, Ayatollah Khomeini, began restricting women's activities and dress, starting with an order that they cover their heads in government offices. This kicked off years of battles between the clerics and leaders running the country and women who were pushing back, looking for ways to gain autonomy, even under restrictive laws.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
UNIDENTIFIED PERSON #1: (Non-English language spoken).
RAMTIN ARABLOUEI, BYLINE: In 1997, nearly 20 years after the revolution, there was a historic presidential election in Iran, where nearly 80% of eligible11 voters turned out. And the winner was a cleric named Ayatollah Mohammad Khatami. Western media portrayed12 him as a moderate.
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UNIDENTIFIED PERSON #2: (Non-English language spoken).
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
UNIDENTIFIED REPORTER #2: The smiling face of moderation, or at least what's considered moderate in Iran.
ARZOO OSANLOO: Some social freedoms with Khatami were starting to emerge. Young people could walk together, you know, boyfriends and girlfriends hold hands in public.
ARABLOUEI: This is Arzoo Osanloo, an Iranian American legal anthropologist13 who's studied Iran's legal system for decades.
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UNIDENTIFIED REPORTER #3: He has promised more rights, more freedom and a better life within the Islamic system.
ABDELFATAH: During the Khatami presidency14, women began pushing more and more against the dress code, too, and more women were elected to Parliament than any time since the revolution, proposing laws that would further strengthen the rights of women. Many of Iran's conservatives didn't like it.
OSANLOO: This is around when we started to see a lot of pushback to women's ability to employ and make use of the actual existing Iranian constitution and the set of civil codes, enhance them and get rights and concessions15.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
UNIDENTIFIED PERSON #3: (Non-English language spoken).
ARABLOUEI: In 2005, Mohammad Khatami left office after serving two terms as president. So Iranian voters went to the polls and elected a new president, a man who'd never held national office.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
UNIDENTIFIED REPORTER #4: Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
OSANLOO: When Ahmadinejad becomes president, he actually campaigns on this platform that really speaks to a greater emphasis on so-called traditional roles, what some people might call conservative roles of women as nurturers, raising the children and guiding the family.
ARABLOUEI: Ahmadinejad took a much more conservative line than Khatami.
OSANLOO: There is an uptake, again, of women's bodily comportment, their clothing, how they express themselves in public and a kind of surveillance of women.
(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC)
ABDELFATAH: To be clear, this surveillance also included violence. Iran's morality police force was established in the 1990s to enforce social rules, like proper hijab for women. Under the Ahmadinejad administration, they became more aggressive in their enforcement, which included arrests, alleged5 beatings and sometimes lashings. So in 2009, when Ahmadinejad won his second term, protests erupted in what became known as the Green Movement.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
UNIDENTIFIED REPORTER #5: The incumbent16, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, was announced as the overwhelming winner. But many Iranians refuse to believe it.
(SOUNDBITE OF PROTEST)
UNIDENTIFIED PROTESTERS: (Chanting in non-English language).
ARABLOUEI: Government forces cracked down hard, killing17 people in the street and arresting thousands. The regime was willing to go to great lengths to scale back the reforms many people, including women, had fought hard to win.
OSANLOO: Iran is a country that is still in a revolution. If you look at the constitution, it's the constitution of the Revolutionary Islamic Republic. And so the way that the women are dressed comes to stand in for this timelessness of the revolutionary struggle. And so the idea of women sort of not wearing this, what does that mean for our incomplete revolutionary struggle that we're fighting?
ABDELFATAH: And so after the Green Movement was squashed by government repression, the work of the morality police went on, including the surveillance.
OSANLOO: The better term for this is guidance police. And I think we can also see how this is an echo of the (non-English language spoken), the guardianship19 of the jurisprudence, because one of the big debates was - what does it mean to be a guide, a moral guide or a guardian18 of jurisprudence? Are you just somebody who's there to, like, suggest I change my practices? Or are you there with veto power? And I think we know the answer to the (non-English language spoken) today. We know very well.
(SOUNDBITE OF PROTEST)
UNIDENTIFIED PROTESTER: Say her name.
UNIDENTIFIED PROTESTERS: Mahsa.
UNIDENTIFIED PROTESTER: Say her name.
UNIDENTIFIED PROTESTERS: Mahsa.
ABDELFATAH: It is a brutal20 cycle. Iranian women carve out more space and more rights, and the regime tightens21 its grip in response.
OSANLOO: It's not just about Islam. It's not just about the state. It's about something greater. And it's about what women - not men - what women signify for the state beyond Iran, not just in Iran. It's a message about the revolutionary values that have guided and led Iran's Islamic Republic since 1979.
(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC)
FADEL: That was Arzoo Osanloo speaking with Throughline hosts Rund Abdelfatah and Ramtin Arablouei. You can hear the whole episode by finding Throughline wherever you get your podcasts.
1 gender | |
n.(生理上的)性,(名词、代词等的)性 | |
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2 transcript | |
n.抄本,誊本,副本,肄业证书 | |
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3 ongoing | |
adj.进行中的,前进的 | |
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4 custody | |
n.监护,照看,羁押,拘留 | |
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5 alleged | |
a.被指控的,嫌疑的 | |
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6 repression | |
n.镇压,抑制,抑压 | |
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7 byline | |
n.署名;v.署名 | |
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8 initiate | |
vt.开始,创始,发动;启蒙,使入门;引入 | |
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9 monarchy | |
n.君主,最高统治者;君主政体,君主国 | |
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10 followers | |
追随者( follower的名词复数 ); 用户; 契据的附面; 从动件 | |
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11 eligible | |
adj.有条件被选中的;(尤指婚姻等)合适(意)的 | |
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12 portrayed | |
v.画像( portray的过去式和过去分词 );描述;描绘;描画 | |
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13 anthropologist | |
n.人类学家,人类学者 | |
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14 presidency | |
n.总统(校长,总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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15 concessions | |
n.(尤指由政府或雇主给予的)特许权( concession的名词复数 );承认;减价;(在某地的)特许经营权 | |
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16 incumbent | |
adj.成为责任的,有义务的;现任的,在职的 | |
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17 killing | |
n.巨额利润;突然赚大钱,发大财 | |
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18 guardian | |
n.监护人;守卫者,保护者 | |
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19 guardianship | |
n. 监护, 保护, 守护 | |
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20 brutal | |
adj.残忍的,野蛮的,不讲理的 | |
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21 tightens | |
收紧( tighten的第三人称单数 ); (使)变紧; (使)绷紧; 加紧 | |
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