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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
As the price of gas goes up, can the U.S. turn to Venezuela for oil?
NPR's A Martinez speaks with author and journalist William Neuman about the tangled2 relationship between the U.S. and Venezuela, and America's re-assessment based on the new global oil dynamic.
A MARTINEZ, HOST:
Russia is one of the world's largest oil producers. But its brutal3 war on Ukraine has pushed the U.S. to look elsewhere for that oil, that includes the home of the largest crude oil reserves in the world, Venezuela. But there are complications. The U.S. doesn't recognize the presidency4 of Nicolas Maduro. He's regarded as a corrupt5 dictator. He's also one of the strongest Latin American allies of Russian leader Vladimir Putin. And because of the Maduro regime, the U.S. has banned American oil companies from operating in Venezuela.
WILLIAM NEUMAN: Venezuela has been in the midst of, you know, a historic, epic6 economic collapse7 for the last eight years.
MARTINEZ: William Neuman is a former New York Times Andes region bureau chief. He's also the author of "Things Are Never So Bad That They Can't Get Worse: Inside The Collapse Of Venezuela."
NEUMAN: It's lost 80% of its economic production. It's had hyperinflation, the, you know, shortages of food, medicine, gasoline, the collapse of the infrastructure8.
MARTINEZ: And this leads to what the U.N. Refugee Agency describes as the second-largest external displacement9 crisis in the world, over 6 million Venezuelans fleeing.
NEUMAN: Right, second only to Syria, which has been in the middle of a civil war. And in Venezuela, all it took was just mismanaging the economy.
MARTINEZ: The Biden administration recently made diplomatic overtures10 toward the Maduro government. And I wanted to get Neuman's reaction to that.
So on the heels of the war in Ukraine and the ban on Russian oil, when the Biden administration appeared like they were opening up a line of communication to Maduro in Venezuela, what did you make of that?
NEUMAN: The thing is that Venezuela's oil industry has really been brought to its knees over the last several years. And so production is way down. And at this point, even though they're sitting on top of all that oil, they can't increase production that much. So there's no way that you could get enough oil out of Venezuela at this point to affect the world oil price, which is really what determines the price at the pump in the U.S. I think that Biden did that mostly because he is trying to signal to American voters, look; I'm trying to do everything possible to bring in as much oil as I can because I recognize that the price of gasoline keeps going up.
MARTINEZ: But if that continues to happen, though, William, if the price of oil keeps going up and up and up to a point where Biden would have to maybe make strange bedfellows with Venezuela, I mean, could he maybe leverage11 the U.S. market in exchange for democratic reforms in Venezuela, or do something where it would help the people of Venezuela actually get something good out of this deal?
NEUMAN: Sure. Well, you know, the U.S. policy, even at the end of the Trump12 administration, was to promote negotiation13 between the opposition14 in Venezuela and Maduro. And one of the things that they discussed when the Biden folks went to talk to Maduro was resuming negotiations15. And that's still being talked about in Venezuela. But in terms of - what everybody's hoping for is some kind of negotiation that would guarantee a more fair election. There's a presidential election coming up in 2024. And the country's politics are all pointed16 to that. The problem is, with the sanctions, once you put them in - it's very easy to put sanctions on. It's very difficult to remove them. So you have this oil sanction. And even though it hasn't given you the results that you wanted and it's actually made the crisis in Venezuela worse for ordinary people, its existence is now it's justification17. So once it's there, it's very hard to remove the thing. So there's incentive18 for Maduro to try and do something. There's incentive for the U.S. The question is, what sort of political arrangement can you get in Venezuela?
MARTINEZ: But if the U.S., William, were to somehow start doing business with Venezuela, allow American oil companies to operate more in Venezuela, would that legitimize the presidency of Nicolas Maduro?
NEUMAN: I don't think that it legitimizes Maduro. You know, I was talking the other day to Chuo Torrealba, who's an activist19 in Caracas. And he was the head of the coalition20 of opposition political parties for several years. And he would - talking about the sanctions, he calls it the politics of pain. There's this very cynical21 logic22 behind the sanctions, which is that if we make things bad enough, if we squeeze the economy and squeeze people and increase their suffering, then the people will rise up and rebel against the government. Or the armed forces will stage a coup23 to get rid of Maduro. But it doesn't work that way. People who are starving don't make revolutions. It hasn't worked that way in Venezuela. And Chuo, who I was talking with, he says, to make politics with people's pain is a mistake.
MARTINEZ: Would it be a failure of sorts if the United States satisfies its dependency on oil by opening the door to Venezuela in order to stick it to Russia?
NEUMAN: I think that we should reverse that. I mean, the question is certainly worth asking. But the opposite question is also worth asking, which is, is it a failure to maintain the sanctions because the sanctions have contributed to the suffering in Venezuela? And so by keeping the sanctions in place, you are essentially24 saying, we would rather, you know, continue this level of suffering even though it hasn't produced the results we wanted. It's one thing to talk about inflation and economics and geopolitics and all that. But the important thing to keep in mind with Venezuela is that there's real people on the ground who are hurting from this. And in the book, one of the things that I try to do is really focus it on people's stories.
So you know - so there's a woman who lives in Petare, which is one of the biggest slum in Latin America. Her name is Hilda (ph). She has seven kids. Her youngest son, Gregorio (ph), who is 4, his teeth were turning black and falling out because he wasn't getting enough calcium25. There's a woman named Marlan, who, during the massive blackouts, participated in the looting because she had no food at home. And then she said, you know, how did I fall this low that I went and had to go and steal food? And how did my country get to this point? So it's people like that and their stories that really bring this kind of thing home.
MARTINEZ: That's William Neuman. His new book is called "Things Are Never So Bad That They Can't Get Worse: Inside The Collapse Of Venezuela." William, thanks.
NEUMAN: Thanks very much.
(SOUNDBITE OF ANKO'S "RAIN")
1 transcript | |
n.抄本,誊本,副本,肄业证书 | |
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2 tangled | |
adj. 纠缠的,紊乱的 动词tangle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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3 brutal | |
adj.残忍的,野蛮的,不讲理的 | |
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4 presidency | |
n.总统(校长,总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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5 corrupt | |
v.贿赂,收买;adj.腐败的,贪污的 | |
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6 epic | |
n.史诗,叙事诗;adj.史诗般的,壮丽的 | |
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7 collapse | |
vi.累倒;昏倒;倒塌;塌陷 | |
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8 infrastructure | |
n.下部构造,下部组织,基础结构,基础设施 | |
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9 displacement | |
n.移置,取代,位移,排水量 | |
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10 overtures | |
n.主动的表示,提议;(向某人做出的)友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 );(歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的)序曲,前奏曲 | |
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11 leverage | |
n.力量,影响;杠杆作用,杠杆的力量 | |
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12 trump | |
n.王牌,法宝;v.打出王牌,吹喇叭 | |
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13 negotiation | |
n.谈判,协商 | |
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14 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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15 negotiations | |
协商( negotiation的名词复数 ); 谈判; 完成(难事); 通过 | |
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16 pointed | |
adj.尖的,直截了当的 | |
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17 justification | |
n.正当的理由;辩解的理由 | |
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18 incentive | |
n.刺激;动力;鼓励;诱因;动机 | |
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19 activist | |
n.活动分子,积极分子 | |
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20 coalition | |
n.结合体,同盟,结合,联合 | |
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21 cynical | |
adj.(对人性或动机)怀疑的,不信世道向善的 | |
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22 logic | |
n.逻辑(学);逻辑性 | |
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23 coup | |
n.政变;突然而成功的行动 | |
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24 essentially | |
adv.本质上,实质上,基本上 | |
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25 calcium | |
n.钙(化学符号Ca) | |
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