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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
Poll: Two-thirds say don't overturn Roe1; the court leak is firing up Democratic voters
Seven-in-10 U.S. adults, however, say they are in favor of some degree of restrictions4 on abortion5 rights. That includes 52% of Democrats6.
The issue of abortion rights was once again thrown into the hot spotlight7 of American politics after the unprecedented8 leak of a draft opinion from the Supreme9 Court earlier this month that showed the majority-conservative court ready to overturn Roe.
The draft decision — which could differ from how the court ultimately rules — is having an impact with voters, according to the survey. It has fired up Democrats, who had been less enthusiastic about the midterm elections than Republicans, who are favored to take back control of the House and possibly the Senate.
The poll shows that two-thirds of Democrats say the contents of the leak make them more likely to vote in November, as compared to just 40% of Republicans who said so.
"It definitely has them [Democrats] focused as no other issue in the recent months has," said Lee Miringoff, director of the Marist Institute for Public Opinion, which conducted the poll. "And to have a gap of that magnitude over the Republicans is something that, at this point, should not go unnoticed."
The survey of 1,304 adults, including 1,213 registered voters, has a margin10 of error of +/- 3.9 percentage points when adults are referenced and +/- 4.1 percentage points when referring to voters. That means results could be about 4 points higher or lower. The poll was conducted from May 9 to 13 by live interview callers, who reached respondents via cell phone and landline in English and in Spanish.
Democrats gain on congressional ballot11
Democrats also got a boost on which party Americans want to control Congress. By a 47%-to-42% margin, this survey showed voters would cast their ballot in favor of a Democrat2 in their local congressional district if the election were held today.
For Democrats, that is a net increase on the so-called congressional ballot test of 8 points from last month's survey, when 47% said they would vote for a Republican, as compared to 44% who said they would vote for a Democrat. Those numbers were within the margin of error, but it was the first time in eight years that Republicans had done that well on the question in the Marist poll.
The question is whether this spike12 for Democrats lasts. Miringoff sees reason to believe it might.
"My sense of it is that this is not going to be one of those issues that shows up and vanishes soon thereafter," he said, "because so many of the states are going to then have the key decision making role in what the policy is within their jurisdiction13."
Some cold water on these numbers, though — these are national figures, and control of the House isn't determined14 nationally, but in battleground districts. And Democrats acknowledge Republicans have the advantage there.
The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee has been circulating its latest internal battleground districts poll among the party's House members. Conducted before the Supreme Court leak, it showed a generic15 Republican beating a generic Democrat by a 47%-to-39% margin in battleground districts. The survey was first reported by Punchbowl News and confirmed by NPR.
A Democratic official says their polling also shows Democratic House incumbents16 are averaging about 5 points better than a generic candidate, however.
Undoubtedly17, though, with inflation remaining high, President Biden's standing18 is weighing down Democratic candidates across the country. Biden's approval rating in the new NPR/PBS NewsHour/Marist survey ticked back down to 39%, though it's notable that a generic Democrat is outperforming Biden in the NPR survey. (That comes mostly from Democrats — more of whom say they would vote today for a Democrat in their congressional district than approve of the job Biden is doing.)
The leak had another impact — hurting the credibility of the Supreme Court as an institution. Just 40% said they had a great deal or quite a lot of confidence in the court, down 17 points from 2018, the last time Marist asked the question.
There's a lot of nuance19 on abortion restrictions
A quarter of respondents said abortion should be available at any point during a pregnancy20. That's up from 18% in 2019.
Just 9% said it should never permitted, which is unchanged from 2019.
But then there's the very gray middle — about 1-in-5 favor allowing abortion in the first three months only; another 13% say it should be allowed in the first six months; another quarter say it should be allowed only in cases of rape21, incest or to save the life of the pregnant person; and 10% say it should be allowed only to save that life.
Big majorities support the following changes to state laws:
82% would like to see abortion permitted at any time during pregnancy to protect the life or health of the pregnant person;
63% support providing safe haven22 for people seeking abortions23 from out of state;
63% support allowing abortion any time during pregnancy in cases of rape or incest.
Big majorities oppose the following:
80% don't want to allow private citizens to sue abortion providers or anyone who assists a pregnant person in getting an abortion;
75% oppose making abortion a crime requiring fines and/or prison time for doctors who perform abortions;
69% oppose allowing abortions only up to the time cardiac activity (about six to eight weeks) is detected;
60% are against allowing abortion only up to the time of viability24 outside the womb at about 24 weeks. Majorities of Democrats, independents and Republicans feel this way, but obviously for different reasons.
Access to a key abortion drug is in legal limbo25. Here's how medication abortion works
ROE V. WADE26 AND THE FUTURE OF REPRODUCTIVE RIGHTS IN AMERICA
How medication abortion works and what the end of Roe v. Wade could mean for it
Americans are split on 15-week bans and allowing prescription27 drugs that induce abortions mailed to homes.
When it comes to a 15-week ban, except for medical emergencies or when something is severely28 wrong with the fetus29, people are split, with 49% opposing and 48% supporting it.
A slim majority of Republicans support the ban (53%), while a majority of Democrats oppose (57%). And independents are split at 49% to 46% supporting one.
On mailing abortion-inducing prescription drugs, 51% say they oppose allowing that, while 47% support it.
There's a huge partisan30 divide here with 7-in-10 of Democrats in favor and 8-in-10 Republicans opposed.
A majority of abortions actually take place early on in a pregnancy with the use of medication, according to the Guttmacher Institute, a pro-abortion rights group that tracks abortions. It also notes that overall nearly 9-in-10 abortions take place in the first three months of a pregnancy.
1 roe | |
n.鱼卵;獐鹿 | |
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2 democrat | |
n.民主主义者,民主人士;民主党党员 | |
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3 transcript | |
n.抄本,誊本,副本,肄业证书 | |
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4 restrictions | |
约束( restriction的名词复数 ); 管制; 制约因素; 带限制性的条件(或规则) | |
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5 abortion | |
n.流产,堕胎 | |
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6 democrats | |
n.民主主义者,民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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7 spotlight | |
n.公众注意的中心,聚光灯,探照灯,视听,注意,醒目 | |
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8 unprecedented | |
adj.无前例的,新奇的 | |
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9 supreme | |
adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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10 margin | |
n.页边空白;差额;余地,余裕;边,边缘 | |
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11 ballot | |
n.(不记名)投票,投票总数,投票权;vi.投票 | |
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12 spike | |
n.长钉,钉鞋;v.以大钉钉牢,使...失效 | |
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13 jurisdiction | |
n.司法权,审判权,管辖权,控制权 | |
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14 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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15 generic | |
adj.一般的,普通的,共有的 | |
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16 incumbents | |
教区牧师( incumbent的名词复数 ); 教会中的任职者 | |
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17 undoubtedly | |
adv.确实地,无疑地 | |
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18 standing | |
n.持续,地位;adj.永久的,不动的,直立的,不流动的 | |
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19 nuance | |
n.(意义、意见、颜色)细微差别 | |
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20 pregnancy | |
n.怀孕,怀孕期 | |
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21 rape | |
n.抢夺,掠夺,强奸;vt.掠夺,抢夺,强奸 | |
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22 haven | |
n.安全的地方,避难所,庇护所 | |
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23 abortions | |
n.小产( abortion的名词复数 );小产胎儿;(计划)等中止或夭折;败育 | |
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24 viability | |
n.存活(能力) | |
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25 limbo | |
n.地狱的边缘;监狱 | |
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26 wade | |
v.跋涉,涉水;n.跋涉 | |
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27 prescription | |
n.处方,开药;指示,规定 | |
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28 severely | |
adv.严格地;严厉地;非常恶劣地 | |
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29 fetus | |
n.胎,胎儿 | |
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30 partisan | |
adj.党派性的;游击队的;n.游击队员;党徒 | |
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