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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
Russia deports1 thousands of Ukrainian children. Investigators2 say that's a war crime
The Russian government is operating a systematic4 network of at least 40 child custody5 centers for thousands of Ukrainian children, a potential war crime, according to a new report by Yale University researchers in a collaboration6 with the U.S. State Department in a program to hold Russia accountable.
The report, "Russia's Systematic Program for the Re-Education and Adoption7 of Ukrainian Children," describes a system of holding facilities that stretch from the Black Sea coast to Siberia.
"This is not one rogue8 camp, this is not one rogue mayor or governor," says Nathaniel Raymond, executive director of the Yale Humanitarian9 Research Lab. "It is a massive logistical undertaking10 that does not happen by accident."
Raymond's team of researchers is tackling one of the most explosive issues of the war. Ukrainian officials say Russia has evacuated11 thousands of Ukrainian children without parental12 consent.
Russian officials do not deny Ukrainian children are now in Russia, but insist the camps are part of a vast humanitarian project for abandoned, war-traumatized orphans13 and have been surprisingly public with social media messaging aimed at a Russian audience. Russia does not, however, acknowledge how many children are in Russia or where they are housed.
"All of this strikes us as a carefully orchestrated performance," says Caitlin Howarth, director of operations at the Yale lab.
"The Russian government needs to legitimize its activities, that make all of this seem normal," she says, "because you simply can't move these many children through these many places without their movements being noticed."
The children are held in camps across the Russian expanse
The Yale team says it has verified at least 6,000 Ukrainian children detained by the Russian government, although researchers believe there are thousands more. The report identifies 43 camps. "Eleven of the camps are located more than 500 miles from Ukraine's border with Russia, including two camps in Siberia and one in Russia's Far East," according to the report.
The Ukrainian children transported to Russia range in age from teens to toddlers, says Raymond.
"In some cases there is adoption, other cases summer camp programs where the kids were slated14 to return home and never did," he says, "and in some cases they are re-education camps."
The Yale report is the most extensive look at the program so far, says Raymond. "It shows scale, it shows chain of command, it shows logistical complexity," he adds.
The report also documents a start date for transporting Ukrainian children to Russia, days before the full-scale invasion began on Feb. 24, 2022.
"These first transports of children in early February 2022 included a group of 500 purported15 orphans 'evacuated' from Donetsk Oblast by Russia. The reason given publicly at the time was the supposed threat of an offensive by the Ukrainian armed forces," according to the report. Some of those Ukrainian children were later adopted by Russian families.
Researchers obtained evidence through open sourcing
The Ukrainian government and U.N. senior human rights officials have consistently raised the alarm over these activities since the early days of the war.
The alarm grew louder in May 2022, when Russian President Vladimir Putin issued a new decree that made it quick and easy to adopt Ukrainian children, which was next to impossible before the war. In addition, Russian officials announced it would extend government support to Russian families who adopt Ukrainian children; the biggest financial incentive16 is for adopting handicapped kids.
The Yale researchers began investigating missing Ukrainian children when the first Russian social media posts appeared last year. The messaging began at about the time of Putin's adoption announcement, says one of the Yale researchers. He asked not to be named to protect the security of his work from hackers17.
"I believe the first places we saw this were on Telegram and then VK," he says. Telegram is a popular Russian messaging service. VK is the Russian version of Facebook.
"It quickly became clear there was an enormous amount of information publicly available," he says.
The Yale Humanitarian Research lab is defining the future of war crimes investigations19 by combining open source research techniques with high-resolution satellite imagery to offer analysis of alleged20 war crimes in real time.
There are about 20 researchers who scour21 social media posts, news reports, government announcements and Russian messaging services, looking for patterns and connections that otherwise might go unnoticed.
As a partner with the U.S. State Department's Conflict Observatory22, the Yale lab has access to non-classified satellite imagery from the U.S. National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency. For this investigation18, it is a key to mapping the camps, said the researcher.
"You can see people. You can see cars. You can see certain types of activity," he said. "There's a very large amount of material related to the patriotic23 education that they undergo while they are in camps," he added. The lessons are designed, he says, to instill loyalty24 to Russia and promote Moscow's version of the war.
"What we are seeing," he says, "is the government of Russia and Russian leaders training and indoctrinating a generation of Ukrainian children."
What Russia calls a humanitarian project is identified by Yale researchers as a possible war crime
Russia has not publicly issued a list of Ukrainian children evacuated and detained. The number of children adopted by Russian families since Feb. 24, 2022, is also unknown. However, Russian officials insist adoption is only permitted for orphans, although evidence gathered by the Yale team shows otherwise.
The Yale report has verified that 37 Ukrainian children have been returned to their families, says Nathaniel Raymond. The thousands who remain in Russia may constitute a war crime, he says.
"It is fundamentally the unconsented custody and control of thousands of Ukrainian children. Not only is it against the law, but against common decency," he says.
The report, released Tuesday by the U.S. State Department, shows that the program is controlled by the Russian government from the top, Raymond says.
"This operation is centrally coordinated25 by Russia's federal government and involved every level of government," according to the report. The Yale program identified several dozen federal, regional and local figures "directly engaged and politically justifying26 the program."
War crimes evidence that can lead to trial is elusive27
Gathering28 evidence of alleged war crimes has always been difficult. That part hasn't changed.
But now, open-source investigators have a trove29 of potential source material from on-the-ground witnesses who photograph war damage, map mass graves, record interviews with refugees — and post the results online. In addition, high-resolution satellite images make it easier than ever to identify deliberately30 damaged hospitals, targeted grain silos or local children's summer camps.
The Yale team are all young Internet sleuths who work to verify the data they dig up and document the steps needed to meet the exacting31 standards and protocols32 for trial.
Raymond describes the lab's role as a "cop shop" – a "cyber cop shop," that is mindful to detail a chain of custody for the evidence produced. To understand the Lab's role, he points to the TV show Law and Order.
"We are the Jerry Orbach, beat cop side," he says, "Our job is to collect the evidence, digital evidence, and then how that comports33 or does not with the law."
Also for the first time, war crimes investigators can gather evidence in real time while those crimes are still occurring, says Raymond.
"We are showing that we can collect perishable34 evidence and make it actionable in ways that were previously35 impossible. In the past this scale of operation was only available to governments," he says.
It is the future of war crimes investigations happening now at the Yale Lab, says Raymond, as civil society uses the same tools as governments, "at scale and at speed."
1 deports | |
v.将…驱逐出境( deport的第三人称单数 );举止 | |
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2 investigators | |
n.调查者,审查者( investigator的名词复数 ) | |
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3 transcript | |
n.抄本,誊本,副本,肄业证书 | |
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4 systematic | |
adj.有系统的,有计划的,有方法的 | |
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5 custody | |
n.监护,照看,羁押,拘留 | |
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6 collaboration | |
n.合作,协作;勾结 | |
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7 adoption | |
n.采用,采纳,通过;收养 | |
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8 rogue | |
n.流氓;v.游手好闲 | |
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9 humanitarian | |
n.人道主义者,博爱者,基督凡人论者 | |
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10 undertaking | |
n.保证,许诺,事业 | |
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11 evacuated | |
撤退者的 | |
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12 parental | |
adj.父母的;父的;母的 | |
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13 orphans | |
孤儿( orphan的名词复数 ) | |
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14 slated | |
用石板瓦盖( slate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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15 purported | |
adj.传说的,谣传的v.声称是…,(装得)像是…的样子( purport的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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16 incentive | |
n.刺激;动力;鼓励;诱因;动机 | |
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17 hackers | |
n.计算机迷( hacker的名词复数 );私自存取或篡改电脑资料者,电脑“黑客” | |
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18 investigation | |
n.调查,调查研究 | |
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19 investigations | |
(正式的)调查( investigation的名词复数 ); 侦查; 科学研究; 学术研究 | |
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20 alleged | |
a.被指控的,嫌疑的 | |
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21 scour | |
v.搜索;擦,洗,腹泻,冲刷 | |
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22 observatory | |
n.天文台,气象台,瞭望台,观测台 | |
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23 patriotic | |
adj.爱国的,有爱国心的 | |
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24 loyalty | |
n.忠诚,忠心 | |
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25 coordinated | |
adj.协调的 | |
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26 justifying | |
证明…有理( justify的现在分词 ); 为…辩护; 对…作出解释; 为…辩解(或辩护) | |
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27 elusive | |
adj.难以表达(捉摸)的;令人困惑的;逃避的 | |
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28 gathering | |
n.集会,聚会,聚集 | |
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29 trove | |
n.被发现的东西,收藏的东西 | |
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30 deliberately | |
adv.审慎地;蓄意地;故意地 | |
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31 exacting | |
adj.苛求的,要求严格的 | |
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32 protocols | |
n.礼仪( protocol的名词复数 );(外交条约的)草案;(数据传递的)协议;科学实验报告(或计划) | |
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33 comports | |
v.表现( comport的第三人称单数 ) | |
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34 perishable | |
adj.(尤指食物)易腐的,易坏的 | |
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35 previously | |
adv.以前,先前(地) | |
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