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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
When politicians have no shame, the old rules don't apply
There was a time when shame was a powerful force in American politics. That time is not now.
Congressman2 George Santos is the embodiment of how times have changed. At the State of the Union address, the freshman3 Republican from New York famous for fabricating major elements of his life story made sure he had a coveted4 on-camera position near the center aisle5.
That's where he ran into Sen. Mitt6 Romney, a decidedly old-school Republican from Utah. Romney gave him an earful, and afterward7 told reporters "he shouldn't be there and if he had any shame at all, he wouldn't be there."
Santos, who faces multiple investigations8 for his questionable9 ethics10, was defiant11. He has resisted calls to resign from local Republicans like New York state Sen. Jack12 Martins, who expressed frustration13 at a recent press conference.
"It is probably impossible for us to get someone who has no shame to do what is right," Martins said.
This is not the way things used to run, said Patrick Leahy, who recently retired14 after 48 years as a Democratic senator from Vermont.
"The fact that he is still here is a product of this time," Leahy said. "When I came here, Republican or Democrat15, his own party would tell him you have to go."
It was conservative Republican senators who told former President Richard Nixon that if he didn't resign, he would be removed by a Senate conviction, Leahy noted16. Nixon resigned before he could be impeached17.
But the United States is now in an era of post-shame politics. For a politician willing to put up with embarrassment18, condemnation19, a raft of jokes from late night comedians20 and a swarm21 of reporters chasing them day after day, surviving scandals is easier than it used to be.
Anthony Weiner announced his resignation from Congress on June 16, 2011, after he admitted to sending lewd22 photos of himself on Twitter to multiple women.
Former Democratic Congressman Anthony Weiner — now a local radio show host in New York — has been following the Santos drama with interest.
"We seem to be in a national version of that schoolyard game, 'Top this' — that if you do want to get into the shame hall of fame, you have to do a lot more than you had to do even 10 years ago," Weiner said.
A little more than 10 years ago, Weiner tweeted out an up-close image of himself in boxer23 briefs. He lied about how it happened, and it only got worse from there. He ultimately resigned. Weiner later served time in prison for texting obscene material to a 15-year-old.
"I still today have people who stop me on the street and say, 'you know what, you probably could have survived that scandal if you just put your head down,'" said Weiner.
Weiner doesn't agree. For one thing, Democratic leadership made it clear he had to go. And he said being in Congress isn't just about showing up. It's about relationships and getting things done for your constituents24.
"It's really hard to do that when quite literally25 no one wants to be seen with you," said Weiner.
Short of arrest, there's little way to rein26 in a shameless politician
Santos has lied about, among other things, being Jewish, his mom dying on 9/11 and having employees killed in the Pulse nightclub shooting. But Republicans — who have only a narrow majority in the House — have shown no real desire to force him out.
Political scientist Lara Brown said short of arrest, there is little to rein in a politician who just doesn't care what people think.
"Everything else is just about some level of personal pride and shame," said Brown, who wrote her dissertation27 about congressional scandals. "And if you are completely shameless, then you can get away with quite a bit in our world."
Trump28 was a master of showing no shame
Former President Donald Trump proved again and again that the rules of political gravity only apply if you care about the rules. Just a month before he was elected in 2016, old television footage came out of him casually29 describing groping women.
"When you're a star, they let you do it," Trump was heard saying. "You can do anything."
Some Republicans called for him to step aside. Some laid low, refusing to defend him. Trump somehow turned it to his advantage saying the media and establishment were out to get him.
Then came Greg Gianforte, a Republican candidate for Congress in Montana. He body-slammed a reporter on the eve of a 2017 special election, and won anyway. He later pleaded guilty to misdemeanor assault. Before long, Trump had turned it into a punchline30, imitating the motions of a body slam on stage at a rally in Montana.
Gianforte just kept on winning and now he's the state's governor.
Democrats31 and Republicans face different kinds of pressure
In 2019, then-Virginia Gov. Ralph Northam, a Democrat, faced a scandal about decades-earlier dressing32 up in blackface. A who's who of Democrats demanded that he resign, but Northam persisted and eventually the controversy33 faded.
Northam is an exception of a Democrat who gutted34 it out, said Tim Miller35, who worked on Jeb Bush's presidential campaign. Miller said the political shamelessness is asymmetrical36 because Democrats and Republicans face different degrees of public pressure.
Democratic politicians pay attention to bad headlines in the mainstream37 media because "Democratic voters care and the media environment that Democrats are in lends itself much more to accountability," said Miller, a former Republican.
For Republican politicians, said Miller, it can be easier to hang on. "Donald Trump and the conservative media echo chamber38 has made powering through a lot easier than it used to be," he said.
There are corrosive39 effects of post-shame politics
Shamelessness can give a politician staying power, but it is also corrosive. Lara Brown, the political scientist, said it reinforces the notion that all politicians are liars40.
"Most people when they think about politics, they think about our institutions, they think about Washington in general, they believe that all politicians are corrupt," Brown said. "It's all rigged. It's all a lie."
Not only does that degrade trust in institutions, Brown said it leads people to believe that if it is rigged anyway, they might as well rig it in their own favor.
1 transcript | |
n.抄本,誊本,副本,肄业证书 | |
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2 Congressman | |
n.(美)国会议员 | |
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3 freshman | |
n.大学一年级学生(可兼指男女) | |
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4 coveted | |
adj.令人垂涎的;垂涎的,梦寐以求的v.贪求,觊觎(covet的过去分词);垂涎;贪图 | |
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5 aisle | |
n.(教堂、教室、戏院等里的)过道,通道 | |
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6 mitt | |
n.棒球手套,拳击手套,无指手套;vt.铐住,握手 | |
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7 afterward | |
adv.后来;以后 | |
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8 investigations | |
(正式的)调查( investigation的名词复数 ); 侦查; 科学研究; 学术研究 | |
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9 questionable | |
adj.可疑的,有问题的 | |
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10 ethics | |
n.伦理学;伦理观,道德标准 | |
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11 defiant | |
adj.无礼的,挑战的 | |
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12 jack | |
n.插座,千斤顶,男人;v.抬起,提醒,扛举;n.(Jake)杰克 | |
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13 frustration | |
n.挫折,失败,失效,落空 | |
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14 retired | |
adj.隐退的,退休的,退役的 | |
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15 democrat | |
n.民主主义者,民主人士;民主党党员 | |
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16 noted | |
adj.著名的,知名的 | |
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17 impeached | |
v.控告(某人)犯罪( impeach的过去式和过去分词 );弹劾;对(某事物)怀疑;提出异议 | |
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18 embarrassment | |
n.尴尬;使人为难的人(事物);障碍;窘迫 | |
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19 condemnation | |
n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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20 comedians | |
n.喜剧演员,丑角( comedian的名词复数 ) | |
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21 swarm | |
n.(昆虫)等一大群;vi.成群飞舞;蜂拥而入 | |
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22 lewd | |
adj.淫荡的 | |
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23 boxer | |
n.制箱者,拳击手 | |
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24 constituents | |
n.选民( constituent的名词复数 );成分;构成部分;要素 | |
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25 literally | |
adv.照字面意义,逐字地;确实 | |
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26 rein | |
n.疆绳,统治,支配;vt.以僵绳控制,统治 | |
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27 dissertation | |
n.(博士学位)论文,学术演讲,专题论文 | |
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28 trump | |
n.王牌,法宝;v.打出王牌,吹喇叭 | |
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29 casually | |
adv.漠不关心地,无动于衷地,不负责任地 | |
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30 punchline | |
n.(笑话、故事等的)结尾警语,点睛之笔 | |
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31 democrats | |
n.民主主义者,民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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32 dressing | |
n.(食物)调料;包扎伤口的用品,敷料 | |
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33 controversy | |
n.争论,辩论,争吵 | |
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34 gutted | |
adj.容易消化的v.毁坏(建筑物等)的内部( gut的过去式和过去分词 );取出…的内脏 | |
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35 miller | |
n.磨坊主 | |
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36 asymmetrical | |
adj.不均匀的,不对称的 | |
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37 mainstream | |
n.(思想或行为的)主流;adj.主流的 | |
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38 chamber | |
n.房间,寝室;会议厅;议院;会所 | |
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39 corrosive | |
adj.腐蚀性的;有害的;恶毒的 | |
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40 liars | |
说谎者( liar的名词复数 ) | |
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