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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
William Jennings Bryan
Mr. Chairman and Members of the Notification Committee: I shall, at an early day, and in a more formal manner, accept the nomination2 which you tender, and shall at that time discuss the various questions covered by the Democratic platform. It may not be out of place, however, to submit a few observations at this time upon the general character of the contest before us and upon the question which is declared to be of paramount3 importance in this campaign.
When I say that the contest of 1900 is a contest of 1900 is a contest between Democracy on the one hand and plutocracy4 on the other I do not mean to say that all our opponents have deliberately5 chosen to give to organized wealth a predominating influence in the affairs of the Government, but I do assert that on the important issues of the day the Republican party is dominated by those influences which constantly tend to substitute the worship of mammon for the protection of the rights of man.
In 1859 Lincoln said that the Republican Party believed in the man and the dollar, but that in case of conflict it believed in the man before the dollar. This is the proper relation which should exist between the two. Man, the handiwork of God, comes first; money, the handiwork of man, is of inferior importance. Man is the master, money the servant, but upon all important questions today Republican legislation tends to make money the master and man the servant.
The maxim6 of Jefferson, “equal rights to all and special privileges to none,” and the doctrine7 of Lincoln that this should be a government “of the people, by the people and for the people,” are being disregarded and the instrumentalities of government are being used to advance the interests of those who are in a position to secure favors from the Government.
The Democratic party is not making war upon the honest acquisition of wealth; it has no desire to discourage industry, economy and thrift8. On the contrary, it gives to every citizen the greatest possible stimulus9 to honest toil10 when it promises him protection in the enjoyment11 of the proceeds of his labor12. Property rights are most secure when human rights are most respected. Democracy strives for civilization in which every member of society will share according to his merits.
No one has a right to expect from a society more than a fair compensation for the services No one has a right to expect from a society more than a fair compensation for the services which he renders to society. If he secures more it is at the expense of some one else. It is no injustice13 to him to prevent his doing injustice to another. To him who would, either through class legislation or in the absence of necessary legislation, trespass14 upon the rights of another the Democratic party says "Thou shalt not."
Against us are arrayed a comparatively small but politically and financially powerful number who really profit by Republican policies; but with them are associated a large number who, because of their attachment16 to their party name, are giving their support to doctrines17 antagonistic18 to the former teachings of their own party.
Republicans who used to advocate bimetallism now try to convince themselves that the gold standard is good; Republicans who were formerly19 attached to the greenback are now seeking an excuse for giving national banks control of the nation's paper money; Republicans who used to boast that the Republican party was paying off the national debt are now looking for reasons to support a perpetual and increasing debt; Republicans who formerly abhorred20 a trust now beguile21 themselves with the delusion22 that there are good trusts, and bad trusts, while in their minds, the line between the two is becoming more and more obscure; Republicans who, in times past, congratulated the country upon the small expense of our standing23 army, are now making light of the objections which are urged against a large increase in the permanent military establishment; Republicans who gloried in our independence when the nation was less powerful now look with favor upon a foreign alliance; Republicans who three years ago condemned27 "forcible annexation28" as immoral29 and even criminal are now sure that it is both immoral and criminal to oppose forcible annexation. That partisanship32 has already blinded many to present dangers is certain; how large a portion of the Republican party can be drawn33 over to the new policies remains34 to be seen.
For a time Republican leaders were inclined to deny to opponents the right to criticize the Philippine policy of the administration, but upon investigation35 they found that both Lincoln and Clay asserted and exercised the right to criticize a President during the progress of the Mexican war.
Instead of meeting the issue boldly and submitting a clear and positive plan for dealing36 with the Philippine question, the Republican convention adopted a platform the larger part of which was devoted37 to boasting and self-congratulation.
In attempting to press economic questions upon the country to the exclusion38 of those which involve the very structure of our government, the Republican leaders give new evidence of their abandonment of the earlier ideals of their party and of their complete subserviency39 to pecuniary40 considerations.
But they shall not be permitted to evade41 the stupendous and far-reaching issue which they have deliberately brought into the arena42 of politics. When the president, supported by a practically unanimous vote of the House and Senate, entered upon a war with Spain for the purpose of aiding the struggling patriots43 of Cuba, the country, without regard to party, applauded.
Although the Democrats44 realized that the administration would necessarily gain a political advantage from the conduct of a war which in the very nature of the case must soon end in a complete victory, they vied with the Republicans in the support which they gave to the president. When the war was over and the Republican leaders began to suggest the propriety45 of a colonial policy opposition46 at once manifested itself.
When the President finally laid before the Senate a treaty which recognized the independence of Cuba, but provided for the cession47 of the Philippine Islands to the United States, the menace of imperialism became so apparent that many preferred to reject the treaty and risk the ills that might follow rather than take the chance of correcting the errors of the treaty by the independent action of this country.
I was among the number of those who believed it better to ratify48 the treaty and end the war, release the volunteers, remove the excuse for war expenditures50 and then give the Filipinos the independence which might be forced from Spain by a new treaty.
In view of the criticism which my action aroused in some quarters, I take this occasion to restate the reasons given at that time. I thought it safer to trust the American people to give independence to the Filipinos than to trust the accomplishment51 of that purpose to diplomacy52 with an unfriendly nation.
Lincoln embodied53 an argument in the question when he asked, "Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws?" I believe that we are now in a better position to wage a successful contest against imperialism than we would have been had the treaty been rejected. With the treaty ratified54 a clean-cut issue is presented between a government by consent and a government by force, and imperialists must bear the responsibility for all that happens until the question is settled.
If the treaty had been rejected the opponents of imperialism would have been held responsible for any international complications which might have arisen before the ratification55 of another treaty. But whatever difference of opinion may have existed as to the best method of opposing a colonial policy, there never was any difference as to the great importance of the question and there is no difference now as to the course to be pursued.
The title of Spain being extinguished we were at liberty to deal with the Filipinos according to American principles. The Bacon resolution, introduced a month before hostilities56 broke out at Manila, promised independence to the Filipinos on the same terms that it was promised to the Cubans. I supported this resolution and believe that its adoption57 prior to the breaking out of hostilities would have prevented bloodshed, and that its adoption at any subsequent time would have ended hostilities.
If the treaty had been rejected considerable time would have necessarily elapsed before a new treaty could have been agreed upon and ratified and during that time the question would have been agitating58 the public mind. If the Bacon resolution had been adopted by the senate and carried out by the president, either at the time of the ratification of the treaty or at any time afterwards, it would have taken the question of imperialism out of politics and left the American people free to deal with their domestic problems. But the resolution was defeated by the vote of the Republican Vice-President, and from that time to this a republican congress has refused to take any action whatever in the matter.
When hostilities broke out at Manila republican speakers and Republican editors at once sought to lay the blame upon those who had delayed the ratification of the treaty, and, during the progress of the war, the same republicans have accused the opponents of imperialism of giving encouragement to the Filipinos. This is a cowardly evasion60 of responsibility.
If it is right for the United States to hold the Philippine Islands permanently61 and imitate European empires in the government of colonies, the Republican party ought to state its position and defend it, but it must expect the subject races to protest against such a policy and to resist to the extent of their ability.
The Filipinos do not need any encouragement from Americans now living. Our whole history has been an encouragement not only to the Filipinos, but to all who are denied a voice in their own government. If the republicans are prepared to censure62 all who have used language calculated to make the Filipinos hate foreign domination, let them condemn26 the speech of Patrick Henry. When he uttered that passionate63 appeal, "Give me liberty or give me death," he expressed a sentiment which still echoes in the hearts of men.
Let them censure Jefferson; of all the statesmen of history none have used words so offensive to those who would hold their fellows in political bondage64. Let them censure Washington, who declared that the colonists65 must choose between liberty and slavery. Or, if the statute66 of limitations has run again the sins of Henry and Jefferson and Washington, let them censure Lincoln, whose Gettysburg speech will be quoted in defense67 of popular government when the present advocates of force and conquest are forgotten.
Some one has said that a truth once spoken, can never be recalled. It goes on and on, and no one can set a limit to its ever-widening influence. But if it were possible to obliterate69 every word written or spoken in defense of the principles set forth71 in the Declaration of Independence, a war of conquest would still leave its legacy72 of perpetual hatred73, for it was God himself who placed in every human heart the love of liberty. He never made a race of people so low in the scale of civilization or intelligence that it would welcome a foreign master.
Those who would have this Nation enter upon a career of empire must consider, not only the effect of imperialism on the Filipinos, but they must also calculate its effects upon our own nation. We cannot repudiate74 the principle of self-government in the Philippines without weakening that principle here.
Lincoln said that the safety of this Nation was not in its fleets, its armies, or its forts, but in the spirit which prizes liberty as the heritage of all men, in all lands, everywhere, and he warned his countrymen that they could not destroy this spirit without planting the seeds of despotism at their own doors.
Even now we are beginning to see the paralyzing influence if imperialism. Heretofore this Nation has been prompt to express its sympathy with those who were fighting for civil liberty. While our sphere of activity has been limited to the Western Hemisphere, our sympathies have not been bounded by the seas. We have felt it due to ourselves and to the world, as well as to those who were struggling for the right to govern themselves, to proclaim the interest which our people have, from the date of their own independence, felt in every contest between human rights and arbitrary power.
Three-quarters of a century ago, when our nation was small, the struggles of Greece aroused our people, and Webster and Clay gave eloquent75 expression to the universal desire for Grecian independence. In 1896 all parties manifested a lively interest in the success of the Cubans, but now when a war is in progress in South Africa, which must result in the extension of the monarchical76 idea, or in the triumph of a republic, the advocates of imperialism in this country dare not say a word in behalf of the Boers.
Sympathy for the Boers does not arise from any unfriendliness towards England; the American people are not unfriendly toward the people of any nation. This sympathy is due to the fact that, as stated in our platform, we believe in the principles of self-government and reject, as did our forefathers77, the claims of monarchy78. If this nation surrenders its belief in the universal application of the principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence, it will lose the prestige and influence which it has enjoyed among the nations as an exponent79 of popular government.
Our opponents, conscious of the weakness of their cause, seek to confuse imperialism with expansion, and have even dared to claim Jefferson as a supporter of their policy. Jefferson spoke68 so freely and used language with such precision that no one can be ignorant of his views. On one occasion he declared: "If there be one principle more deeply rooted than any other in the mind of every American, it is that we should have nothing to do with conquest." And again he said: "Conquest is not in our principles; it is inconsistent with our government."
The forcible annexation of territory to be governed by arbitrary power differs as much from the acquisition of territory to be built up into States as a monarchy differs from a democracy. The Democratic party does not oppose expansion when expansion enlarges the area of the Republic and incorporates land which can be settled by American citizens, or adds to our population people who are willing to become citizens and are capable of discharging their duties as such.
The acquisition of the Louisiana territory, Florida, Texas and other tracts80 which have been secured from time to time enlarged the republic and the Constitution followed the flag into the new territory. It is now proposed to seize upon distant territory already more densely81 populated than our own country and to force upon the people a government for which there is no warrant in our Constitution or our laws.
Even the argument that this earth belongs to those who desire to cultivate it and who have the physical power to acquire it cannot be invoked82 to justify83 the appropriation84 of the Philippine Islands by the United States. If the islands were uninhabited American citizens would not be willing to go there and till the soil. The white race will not live so near the equator. Other nations have tried to colonize85 in the same latitude86. The Netherlands have controlled Java for three hundred years and yet today there are less than sixty thousand people of European birth scattered87 among the twenty-five million natives.
After a century and a half of English domination in India, less than one-twentieth of one per cent of the people of India are of English birth, and it requires an army of seventy thousand British soldiers to take care of the tax collectors. Spain had asserted title to the Philippine Islands for three centuries and yet when our fleet entered Manila bay there were less than ten thousand Spaniards residing in the Philippines.
A colonial policy means that we shall send to the Philippine Islands a few traders, a few taskmasters and a few office-holders and an army large enough to support the authority of a small fraction of the people while they rule the natives.
If we have an imperial policy we must have a great standing army as its natural and necessary complement88. The sprit which will justify the forcible annexation of the Philippine Islands will justify the seizure89 of other islands and the domination of other people, and with wars of conquest we can expect a certain, if not rapid, growth of our military establishment.
That a large permanent increase in our regular army is intended by Republican leaders is not a matter of conjecture90, but a matter of fact. In his message of December 5,1898, the president asked for authority to increase the standing army to 100,000. In 1896 the army contained about 25,000. Within two years the president asked for four times that many, and a Republican house of representatives complied with the request after the Spanish treaty had been signed, and when no country was at war with the United States.
If such an army is demanded when an imperial policy is contemplated91, but not openly avowed92, what -may be expected if the people encourage the Republican party by indorsing its policy at the polls?
A large standing army is not only a pecuniary burden to the people and, if accompanied by compulsory93 service, a constant source of irritation94, but it is ever a menace to a Republican form of government.
The army is the personification of force, and militarism will inevitably95 change the ideals of the people and turn the thoughts of our young men from the arts of peace to the science of war. The Government which relies for its defense upon its citizens is more likely to be just than one which has at call a large body of professional soldiers.
A small standing army and a well-equipped and well-disciplined state militia96 are sufficient at ordinary times, and in an emergency the nation should in the future as in the past place its dependence24 upon the volunteers who come from all occupations at their country's call and return to productive labor when their services are no longer required -- men who fight when the country needs fighters and work when the country needs workers. The Republican platform assumes that the Philippine Islands will be retained under American sovereignty, and we have a right to demand of the republican leaders a discussion of the future status of the Filipino. Is he to be a citizen or a subject? Are we to bring into the body politic15 eight or ten million Asiatics so different from us in race and history that amalgamation97 is impossible? Are they to share with us in making the laws and shaping the destiny of this nation? No republican of prominence98 has been bold enough to advocate such a proposition.
The McEnery resolution, adopted by the senate immediately after the ratification of the treaty, expressly negatives this idea. The Democratic platform describes the situation when it says that the Filipinos cannot be citizens without endangering our civilization. Who will dispute it? And what is the alternative? If the Filipino is not to be a citizen, shall we make him a subject? On that question the Democratic platform speaks with equal emphasis. It declares that the Filipino cannot be a subject without endangering our form of government. A republic can have no subjects. A subject is possible only in a government resting upon force; he is unknown in a government derived101 without consent and taxation102 without representation.
The Republican platform says that "the largest measure of self-government consistent with their welfare and our duties shall be secured to them (the Filipinos) by law." This is a strange doctrine for a government which owes its very existence to the men who offered their lives as a protest against government without consent and taxation without representation. In what respect does the position of the Republican party differ from the position taken by the English Government in 1776? Did not the English Government promise a good government to the colonists? What king ever promised a bad government to his people? Did not the English Government promise that the colonists should have the largest measure of self-government consistent with their welfare and English duties? Did not the Spanish Government promise to give to the Cubans the largest measure of self-government consistent with their welfare and Spanish duties? The whole difference between a monarchy and a republic may be summed up in one sentence. In a monarchy the king gives to the people what he believes to be a good government; in a republic the people secure for themselves what they believe to be a good government.
The Republican party has accepted the European idea and planted itself upon the ground taken by George III., and by every ruler who distrusts the capacity of the people for self-government or denies them a voice in their own affairs.
The Republican platform promises that some measure of self-government is to be given the Filipinos by law; but even this pledge is not fulfilled. Nearly sixteen months elapsed after the ratification of the treaty before the adjournment103 of congress last June and yet no law was passed dealing with the Philippine situation. The will of the president has been the only law in the Philippine islands wherever the American authority extends. Why does the Republican party hesitate to legislate104 upon the Philippine question? Because a law would disclose the radical105 departure from history and precedent106 contemplated by those who control the Republican party. The storm of protest which greeted the Puerto Rican bill was an indication of what may be expected when the American people are brought face to face with legislation upon this subject.
If the Puerto Ricans, who welcomed annexation, are to be denied the guarantees of our Constitution, what is to be the lot of the Filipinos, who resisted our authority? If secret influences could compel a disregard of our plain duty toward friendly people, living near our shores, what treatment will those same influences provide for unfriendly people 7,000 miles away? If, in this country where the people have a right to vote, republican leaders dare not take the side of the people against the great monopolies which have grown up within the last few years, how can they be trusted to protect the Filipinos from the corporations which are waiting to exploit the islands?
Is the sunlight of full citizenship107 to be enjoyed by the people of the United States, and the twilight108 of semi-citizenship endured by the people of Puerto Rico, while the thick darkness of perpetual vassalage109 covers the Philippines? The Puerto Rico tariff110 law asserts the doctrine that the operation of the constitution is confined to the forty-five states.
The Democratic party disputes this doctrine and denounces it as repugnant to both the letter and spirit of our organic law. There is no place in our system of government for the deposit of arbitrary and irresponsible power. That the leaders of a great party should claim for any president or congress the right to treat millions of people as mere111 "possessions" and deal with them unrestrained by the constitution or the bill of rights shows how far we have already departed from the ancient landmarks112 and indicates what may be expected if this nation deliberately enters upon a career of empire.
The territorial113 form of government is temporary and preparatory, and the chief security a citizen of a territory has is found in the fact that he enjoys the same constitutional guarantees and is subject to the same general laws as the citizen of a state. Take away this security and his rights will be violated and his interests sacrificed at the demand of those who have political influence. This is the evil of the colonial system, no matter by what nation it is applied114.
What is our title to the Philippine Islands? Do we hold them by treaty or by conquest? Did we buy them or did we take them? Did we purchase the people? If not, how did we secure title to them? Were they thrown in with the land? Will the Republicans say that inanimate earth has value but that when that earth is molded by the divine hand and stamped with the likeness115 of the Creator it becomes a fixture116 and passes with the soil? If governments derive100 their just powers from the consent of the governed, it is impossible to secure title to people, either by force or by purchase. We could extinguish Spain's title by treaty, but if we hold title we must hold it by some method consistent with our ideas of government. When we made allies of the Filipinos and armed them to fight against Spain, we disputed Spain's title. If we buy Spain's title we are not innocent purchasers.
There can be no doubt that we accepted and utilized117 the services of the Filipinos, and that when we did so we had full knowledge that they were fighting for their own independence, and I submit that history furnishes no example of turpitude118 baser than ours if we now substitute our yoke119 for the Spanish yoke.
Let us consider briefly120 the reasons which have been given in support of an imperialistic121 policy. Some say that it is our duty to hold the Philippine Islands. But duty is not an argument; it is a conclusion. To ascertain122 what our duty is, in any emergency, we must apply well settled and generally accepted principles. It is our duty to avoid stealing, no matter whether the thing to be stolen is of great or little value. It is our duty to avoid killing123 a human being, no matter where the human being lives or to what race or class he belongs.
Every one recognizes the obligation imposed upon individuals to observe both the human and the moral law, but as some deny the application of those laws to nations, it may not be out of place to quote the opinions of others. Jefferson, than whom there is no higher political authority, said:
"I know of but one code of morality for men, whether acting124 singly or collectively."
Franklin, whose learning, wisdom and virtue125 are a part of the priceless legacy bequeathed to use from the revolutionary days, expressed the same idea in even stronger language when he said:
"Justice is strictly126 due between neighbor nations as between neighbor citizens. A highwayman is as much a robber when he plunders127 in a gang as when single; and the nation that makes an unjust war is only a great gang."
Many may dare to do in crowds what they would not dare to do as individuals, but the moral character of an act is not determined128 by the number of those who join it. Force can defend a right, but force has never yet created a right. If it was true, as declared in the resolutions of intervention129, that the Cubans "are and of right ought to be free and independent" (language taken from the Declaration of Independence), it is equally true that the Filipinos "are and of right ought to be free and independent."
The right of the Cubans to freedom was not based upon their proximity130 to the United States, nor upon the language which they spoke, nor yet upon the race or races to which they belonged. Congress by a practically unanimous vote declared that the principles enunciated131 at Philadelphia in 1776 were still alive and applicable to the Cubans. Who will draw a line between the natural rights of the Cubans and the Filipinos? Who will say that the former has a right to liberty and that the latter has no rights which we are bound to respect? And, if the Filipinos "are and of right ought to be free and independent," what right have we to force our government upon them without their consent? Before our duty can be ascertained132 their rights must be determined, and when their rights are once determined it is as much our duty to respect those rights as it was the duty of Spain to respect the rights of the people of Cuba or the duty of England to respect the rights of the American colonists. Rights never conflict; duties never clash. Can it be our duty to usurp133 political rights which belong to others? Can it be our duty to kill those who, following the example of our forefathers, love liberty well enough to fight for it?
A poet has described the terror which overcame a soldier who in the midst of the battle discovered that he had slain134 his brother. It is written "All ye are brethren." Let us hope for the coming day when human life -- which when once destroyed cannot be restored -- will be so sacred that it will never be taken except when necessary to punish a crime already committed, or to prevent a crime about to be committed.
It is said that we have assumed before the world obligations which make it necessary for us to permanently maintain a government in the Philippine Islands. I reply first, that the highest obligation of this nation is to be true to itself. No obligation to any particular nations, or to all the nations combined, can require the abandonment of our theory of government, and the substitution of doctrines against which our whole national life has been a protest. And, second, that our obligation to the Filipinos, who inhabit the islands, is greater than any obligation which we can owe to foreigners who have a temporary residence in the Philippines or desire to trade there.
It is argued by some that the Filipinos are incapable135 of self-government and that, therefore, we owe it to the world to take control of them. Admiral Dewey, in an official report to the Navy Department, declared the Filipinos more capable of self-government than the Cubans and said that he based his opinion upon a knowledge of both races. But I will not rest the case upon the relative advancement136 of the Filipinos. Henry Clay, in defending the right of the people of South America to self-government said:
"It is the doctrine of thrones that man is too ignorant to govern himself. Their partisans31 assert his incapacity in reference to all nations; if they cannot command universal assent137 to the proposition, it is then demanded to particular nations; and our pride and our presumption138 too often make converts of us. I contend that it is to arraign139 the disposition140 of Providence141 himself to suppose that he has created beings incapable of governing themselves, and to be trampled143 on by kings. Self-government is the natural government of man."
Clay was right. There are degrees of proficiency144 in the art of self-government, but it is a reflection upon the Creator to say that he denied to any people the capacity for self-government. Once admit that some people are capable of self-government and that others are not and that the capable people have a right to seize upon and govern the incapable, and you make force -- brute145 force -- the only foundation of government and invite the reign25 of a despot. I am not willing to believe that an all-wise and an all-loving God created the Filipinos and then left them thousands of years helpless until the islands attracted the attention of European nations.
Republicans ask, "Shall we haul down the flag that floats over our dead in the Philippines?" The same question might have been asked, when the American flag floated over Chapultepec and waved over the dead who fell there; but the tourist who visits the City of Mexico finds there a national cemetery146 owned by the United States and cared for by an American citizen. Our flag still floats over our dead, but when the treaty with Mexico was signed American authority withdrew to the Rio Grande, and I venture the opinion that during the last fifty years the people of Mexico have made more progress under the stimulus of independence and self-government than they would have made under a carpet-bag government held in place by bayonets. The United States and Mexico, friendly republics, are each stronger and happier than they would have been had the former been cursed and the latter crushed by an imperialistic policy disguised as "benevolent147 assimilation."
“Can we not govern colonies?” we are asked. The question is not what we can do, but what we ought to do. This nation can do whatever it desires to do, but it must accept responsibility for what it does. If the Constitution stands in the way, the people can amend148 the Constitution. I repeat, the nation can do whatever it desires to do, but it cannot avoid the natural and legitimate149 results of it own conduct.
The young man upon reaching his majority can do what he pleases. He can disregard the teachings of his parents; he can trample142 upon all that he has been taught to consider sacred; he can disobey the laws of the State, the laws of society and the laws of God. He can stamp failure upon his life and make his very existence a curse to his fellow men, and he can bring his father and mother in sorrow to the grave; but he cannot annul150 the sentence, “The wages of sin is death.”
And so with the nation. It is of age and it can do what it pleases; it can spurn151 the traditions of the past; it can repudiate the principles upon which the nation rests; it can employ force instead of reason; it can substitute might for right; it can conquer weaker people; it can exploit their lands, appropriate their property and kill their people; but it cannot repeal152 the moral law or escape the punishment decreed for the violation153 of human rights.
"Would we tread in the paths of tyranny,
Nor reckon the tyrant's cost?
Who taketh another's liberty
His freedom is also lost.
Would we win as the strong have ever won,
Make ready to pay the debt,
For the God who reigned154 over Babylon
Is the God who is reigning155 yet."
Some argue that American rule in the Philippine Islands will result in the better education of the Filipinos. Be not deceived. If we expect to maintain a colonial policy, we shall not find it to our advantage to educate the people. The educated Filipinos are now in revolt against us, and the most ignorant ones have made the least resistance to our domination. If we are to govern them without their consent and give them no voice in determining the taxes which they must pay, we dare not educate them, lest they learn to read the Declaration of Independence and Constitution of the United States and mock us for our inconsistency.
The principal arguments, however, advanced by those who enter upon a defense of imperialism are:
First- That we must improve the present opportunity to become a world power and enter into international politics.
Second- That our commercial interests in the Philippine Islands and in the Orient make it necessary for us to hold the islands permanently.
Third- That the spread of the Christian156 religion will be facilitated by a colonial policy.
Fourth- That there is no honorable retreat from the position which the nation has taken.
The first argument is addrest to the nation’s pride and the second to the nation’s pocket-book. The third is intended for the church member and the fourth for the partisan30.
It is sufficient answer to the first argument to say that for more than a century this nation has been a world power. For ten decades it has been the most potent157 influence in the world. Not only has it been a world power, but it has done more to shape the politics of the human race than all the other nations of the world combined. Because our Declaration of Independence was promulgated158 others have been promulgated. Because the patriots of 1776 fought for liberty other have fought for it. Because our Constitution was adopted other constitutions have been adopted.
The growth of the principle of self-government, planted on American soil, has been the overshadowing political fact of the nineteenth century. It has made this nation conspicuous159 among the nations and given it a place in history such as no other nation has ever enjoyed. Nothing has been able to check the onward160 march of this idea. I am not willing that this nation shall cast aside the omnipotent161 weapon of truth to seize again the weapons of physical warfare162. I would not exchange the glory of this Republic for the glory of all empires that have risen and fallen since time began.
The permanent chairman of the last Republican Nation Convention presented the pecuniary argument in all its baldness when he said:
“We make no hypocritical pretense163 of being interested in the Philippines solely164 on account of others. While we regard the welfare of those people as a sacred trust, we regard the welfare of American people first. We see our duty to ourselves as well as to others. We believe in trade expansion. By every legitimate means within the province of government and constitution we mean to stimulate165 the expansion of our trade and open new markets.”
This is the commercial argument. It is based upon the theory that war can be rightly waged for pecuniary advantage, and that it is profitable to purchase trade by force and violence. Franklin denied both of these propositions. When Lord Howe asserted that the acts of Parliament which brought on the Revolution were necessary to prevent American trade from passing into foreign channels, Franklin replied:
"To me it seems that neither the obtaining nor retaining of any trade, howsoever valuable, is an object for which men may justly spill each other's blood; that the true and sure means of extending and securing commerce are the goodness and cheapness of commodities, and that the profits of no trade can ever be equal to the expense of compelling it and holding it by fleets and armies. I consider this war against us, therefore, as both unjust and unwise."
I place the philosophy of Franklin against the sordid166 doctrine of those who would put a price upon the head of an American soldier and justify a war of conquest upon the ground that it will pay. The democratic party is in favor of the expansion of trade. It would extend our trade by every legitimate and peaceful means; but it is not willing to make merchandise of human blood.
But a war of conquest is as unwise as it is unrighteous. A harbor and coaling station in the Philippines would answer every trade and military necessity and such a concession167 could have been secured at any time without difficulty.
It is not necessary to own people in order to trade with them. We carry on trade today with every part of the world, and our commerce has expanded more rapidly than the commerce of any European empire. We do not own Japan or China, but we trade with their people. We have not absorbed the republics of Central and South America, but we trade with them. It has not been necessary to have any political connection with Canada or the nations of Europe in order to trade with them. Trade cannot be permanently profitable unless it is voluntary.
When trade is secured by force, the cost of securing it and retaining it must be taken out of the profits and the profits are never large enough to cover the expense. Such a system would never be defended but for the fact that the expense is borne by all the people, while the profits are enjoyed by a few.
Imperialism would be profitable to the army contractors168; it would be profitable to the ship owners, who would carry live soldiers to the Philippines and bring dead soldiers back; it would be profitable to those who would seize upon the franchises169, and it would be profitable to the officials whose salaries would be fixed170 here and paid over there; but to the farmer, to the laboring171 man and to the vast majority of those engaged in other occupations it would bring expenditure49 without return and risk without reward.
Farmers and laboring men have, as a rule, small incomes and under systems which place the tax upon consumption pay much more than their fair share of the expenses of government. Thus the very people who receive least benefit from imperialism will be injured most by the military burdens which accompany it.
In addition to the evils which he and the farmer share in common, the laboring man will be the first to suffer if oriental subjects seek work in the United States; the first to suffer if American capital leaves our shores to employ oriental labor in the Philippines to supply the trade of China and Japan; the first to suffer from the violence which the military spirit arouses and the first to suffer when the methods of imperialism are applied to our own government.
It is not strange, therefore, that the labor organizations have been quick to note the approach of these dangers and prompt to protest against both militarism and imperialism.
The pecuniary argument, the more effective with certain classes, is not likely to be used so often or presented with so much enthusiasm as the religious argument. If what has been termed the “gunpowder gospel” were urged against the Filipinos only it would be a sufficient answer to say that a majority of the Filipinos are now members of one branch of the Christian church; but the principle involved is one of much wider application and challenges serious consideration.
The religious argument varies in positiveness from a passive belief that Providence delivered the Filipinos into our hands, for their good and our glory, to the exultation172 of the minister who said that we ought to “thrash the natives (Filipinos) until they understand who we are,” and that “every bullet sent, every cannon173 shot and every flag waved means righteousness.”
We cannot approve of this doctrine in one place unless we are willing to apply it everywhere. If there is poison in the blood of the hand it will ultimately reach the heat. It is equally true that forcible Christianity, if planted under the American flag in the far-away Orient, will sooner or later be transplanted upon American soil.
If true Christianity consists in carrying out in our daily lives the teachings of Christ, who will say that we are commanded to civilize174 with dynamite175 and proselyte with the sword? He who would declare the divine will must prove his authority either by Holy Writ70 or by evidence of a special dispensation.
Imperialism finds no warrant in the Bible. The command, “Go ye into all the world and preach the gospel to every creature,” has no Gatling gun attachment. When Jesus visited a village of Samaria and the people refused to receive him, some of the disciples176 suggested that fire should be called down from Heaven to avenge177 the insult; but the Master rebuked178 them and said: “Ye know not what manner of spirit ye are of; for the Son of Man is not come to destroy men’s lives, but to save them.” Suppose he had said: “We will thrash them until they understand who we are,” how different would have been the history of Christianity! Compare, if you will, the swaggering, bullying179, brutal180 doctrine of imperialism with the golden rule and the commandment, “Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself.”
Love not force, was the weapon of the Nazarene; sacrifice for others, not the exploitation of them, was His method of reaching the human heart. A missionary181 recently told me that the Stars and Stripes once saved his life because his assailant recognized our flag as a flag that had no blood upon it.
Let it be known that our missionaries182 are seeking souls instead of sovereignty; let be it known that instead of being the advance guard of conquering armies, they are going forth to help and uplift, having their loins girt about with the truth and their feet shod with the preparation of the gospel of peace, wearing the breastplate of righteousness and carrying the sword of the spirit; let it be known that they are citizens of a nation which respects the rights of the citizens of other nations as carefully as it protects the rights of its own citizens, and the welcome given to our missionaries will be more cordial than the welcome extended to the missionaries of any other nation.
The argument made by some that it was unfortunate for the nation that it had anything to do with the Philippine Islands, but that the naval184 victory at Manila made the permanent acquisition of those islands necessary, is also unsound. We won a naval victory at Santiago, but that did not compel us to hold Cuba.
The shedding of American blood in the Philippine Islands does not make it imperative185 that we should retain possession forever; American blood was shed at San Juan and El Caney, and yet the President has promised the Cubans independence. The fact that the American flag floats over Manila does not compel us to exercise perpetual sovereignty over the islands; the American flag floats over Havana to-day, but the President has promised to haul it down when the flag of the Cuban Republic is ready to rise in its place. Better a thousand times that our flag in the Orient give way to a flag representing the idea of self-government than that the flag of this Republic should become the flag of an empire.
There is an easy, honest, honorable solution of the Philippine question. It is set forth in the Democratic platform and it is submitted with confidence to the American people. This plan I unreservedly indorse. If elected, I will convene186 Congress in extraordinary session as soon as inaugurated and recommend an immediate99 declaration of the nation’s purpose, first, to establish a stable form of government in the Philippine Islands, just as we are now establishing a stable form of government in Cuba; second, to give independence to the Filipinos as we have promised to give independence to the Cubans; third, to protect the Filipinos from outside interference while they work out their destiny, just as we have protected the republics of Central and South America, and are, by the Monroe doctrine, pledged to protect Cuba.
A European protectorate often results in the plundering187 of the ward59 by the guardian188. An American protectorate gives to the nation protected the advantage of our strength, without making it he victim of our greed. For three-quarters of a century the Monroe doctrine has been a shield to neighboring republics and yet it has imposed no pecuniary burden upon us. After the Filipinos had aided us in the war against Spain, we could not leave them to be the victims of the ambitious designs of European nations, and since we do not desire to make them a part of us or to hold them as subjects, we propose the only alternative, namely, to give them independence and guard them against molestation189 from without.
When our opponents are unable to defend their position by argument they fall back upon the assertion that is destiny, and insist that we must submit to it, no matter how much it violates our moral percepts and our principles of government. This is a complacent190 philosophy. It obliterates191 the distinction between right and wrong and makes individuals and nations the helpless victims of circumstance.
Destiny is the subterfuge192 of the invertebrate193, who, lacking the courage to oppose error, seeks some plausible194 excuse for supporting it. Washington said that the destiny of the republican form of government was deeply, if not finally, staked on the experiment entrusted195 to the American people. How different Washington’s definition of destiny from the Republican definition!
The Republicans say that this nation is in the hands of destiny; Washington believed that not only the destiny of our own nation but the destiny of the republican form of government throughout the world was intrusted to American hands. Immeasurable responsibility! The destiny of this Republic is in the hands of its own people, and upon the success of the experiment here rests the hope of humanity. No exterior196 force can disturb this Republic, and no foreign influence should be permitted to change its course. What the future has in store for this nation no one has authority to declare, but each individual has his own idea of the nation’s mission, and he owes it to his country as well as to himself to contribute as best he may to the fulfillment of that mission.
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee: I can never fully183 discharge the debt of gratitude197 which I owe to my countrymen for the honors which they have so generously bestowed198 upon me; but, sirs, whether it be my lot to occupy the high office for which the convention has named me, or to spend the remainder of my days in private life, it shall be my constant ambition and my controlling purpose to aid in realizing the high ideals of those whose wisdom and courage and sacrifices brought the Republic into existence.
I can conceive of a national destiny surpassing the glories of the present and the past -- a destiny which meets the responsibility of today and measures up to the possibilities of the future. Behold199 a republic, resting securely upon the foundation stones quarried200 by revolutionary patriots from the mountain of eternal truth -- a republic applying in practice and proclaiming to the world the self-evident propositions that all men are created equal; that they are endowed with inalienable rights; that governments are instituted among men to secure these rights, and that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed. Behold a republic in which civil and religion liberty stimulate all to earnest endeavor and in which the law restrains every hand uplifted for a neighbor's injury -- a republic in which every citizen is a sovereign, but in which no one cares to wear a crown. Behold a republic standing erect201 while empires all around are bowed beneath the weight of their own armaments -- a republic whose flag is loved while other flags are only feared. Behold a republic increasing in population, in wealth, in strength and in influence, solving the problems of civilization and hastening the coming of an universal brotherhood202 -- a republic which shakes thrones and dissolves aristocracies by its silent example and gives light and inspiration to those who sit in darkness. Behold a republic gradually but surely becoming the supreme203 moral factor in the world's progress and the accepted arbiter204 of the world's disputes -- a republic whose history, like the path of the just, "is as the shining light that shineth more and more unto the perfect day."
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imperialism
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| n.帝国主义，帝国主义政策 | |
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nomination
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| n.提名，任命，提名权 | |
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paramount
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| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
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plutocracy
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| n.富豪统治 | |
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deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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thrift
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| adj.节约，节俭；n.节俭，节约 | |
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stimulus
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| n.刺激，刺激物，促进因素，引起兴奋的事物 | |
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toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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trespass
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| n./v.侵犯，闯入私人领地 | |
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politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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antagonistic
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| adj.敌对的 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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abhorred
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| v.憎恶( abhor的过去式和过去分词 )；（厌恶地）回避；拒绝；淘汰 | |
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beguile
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| vt.欺骗，消遣 | |
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delusion
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| n.谬见，欺骗，幻觉，迷惑 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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annexation
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| n.吞并，合并 | |
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immoral
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| adj.不道德的，淫荡的，荒淫的，有伤风化的 | |
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partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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Partisanship
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| n. 党派性, 党派偏见 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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exclusion
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| n.拒绝，排除，排斥，远足，远途旅行 | |
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subserviency
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| n.有用，裨益 | |
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pecuniary
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| adj.金钱的；金钱上的 | |
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evade
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| vt.逃避，回避；避开，躲避 | |
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arena
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| n.竞技场，运动场所；竞争场所，舞台 | |
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patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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democrats
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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cession
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| n.割让，转让 | |
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ratify
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| v.批准，认可，追认 | |
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expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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expenditures
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| n.花费( expenditure的名词复数 )；使用；（尤指金钱的）支出额；（精力、时间、材料等的）耗费 | |
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accomplishment
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| n.完成，成就，（pl.）造诣，技能 | |
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diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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ratified
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| v.批准，签认（合约等）( ratify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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ratification
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| n.批准，认可 | |
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hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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agitating
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| 搅动( agitate的现在分词 )； 激怒； 使焦虑不安； （尤指为法律、社会状况的改变而）激烈争论 | |
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ward
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| n.守卫，监护，病房，行政区，由监护人或法院保护的人（尤指儿童）；vt.守护，躲开 | |
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evasion
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| n.逃避，偷漏(税) | |
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permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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statute
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| n.成文法，法令，法规；章程，规则，条例 | |
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defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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obliterate
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| v.擦去，涂抹，去掉...痕迹，消失，除去 | |
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writ
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| n.命令状，书面命令 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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legacy
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| n.遗产，遗赠；先人(或过去)留下的东西 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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repudiate
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| v.拒绝，拒付，拒绝履行 | |
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eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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monarchical
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| adj. 国王的，帝王的，君主的，拥护君主制的 =monarchic | |
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forefathers
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| n.祖先，先人；祖先，祖宗( forefather的名词复数 )；列祖列宗；前人 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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exponent
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| n.倡导者，拥护者；代表人物；指数，幂 | |
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tracts
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| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
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densely
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| ad.密集地；浓厚地 | |
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invoked
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| v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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appropriation
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| n.拨款，批准支出 | |
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colonize
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| v.建立殖民地，拓殖；定居，居于 | |
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latitude
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| n.纬度，行动或言论的自由(范围)，(pl.)地区 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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complement
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| n.补足物，船上的定员；补语；vt.补充，补足 | |
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seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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90
conjecture
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| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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91
contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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92
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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93
compulsory
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| n.强制的，必修的；规定的，义务的 | |
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94
irritation
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| n.激怒，恼怒，生气 | |
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95
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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96
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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97
amalgamation
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| n.合并，重组；；汞齐化 | |
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98
prominence
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| n.突出；显著；杰出；重要 | |
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99
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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100
derive
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| v.取得；导出；引申；来自；源自；出自 | |
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101
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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102
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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103
adjournment
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| 休会； 延期； 休会期； 休庭期 | |
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104
legislate
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| vt.制定法律；n.法规，律例；立法 | |
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105
radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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106
precedent
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| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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107
citizenship
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| n.市民权，公民权，国民的义务(身份) | |
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108
twilight
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| n.暮光，黄昏；暮年，晚期，衰落时期 | |
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109
vassalage
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| n.家臣身份，隶属 | |
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110
tariff
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| n.关税，税率；(旅馆、饭店等)价目表，收费表 | |
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111
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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112
landmarks
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| n.陆标( landmark的名词复数 )；目标；（标志重要阶段的）里程碑 ~ (in sth)；有历史意义的建筑物（或遗址） | |
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113
territorial
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| adj.领土的，领地的 | |
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114
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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115
likeness
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| n.相像，相似（之处） | |
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116
fixture
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| n.固定设备；预定日期；比赛时间；定期存款 | |
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117
utilized
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| v.利用，使用( utilize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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118
turpitude
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| n.可耻；邪恶 | |
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119
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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120
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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121
imperialistic
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| 帝国主义的，帝制的 | |
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122
ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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123
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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124
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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125
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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126
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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127
plunders
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的第三人称单数 ) | |
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128
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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129
intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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130
proximity
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| n.接近，邻近 | |
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131
enunciated
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| v.（清晰地）发音( enunciate的过去式和过去分词 )；确切地说明 | |
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132
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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133
usurp
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| vt.篡夺，霸占；vi.篡位 | |
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134
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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135
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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136
advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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137
assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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138
presumption
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| n.推测，可能性，冒昧，放肆，[法律]推定 | |
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139
arraign
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| v.提讯；控告 | |
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140
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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141
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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142
trample
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| vt.踩，践踏；无视，伤害，侵犯 | |
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143
trampled
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|
| 踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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144
proficiency
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| n.精通，熟练，精练 | |
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145
brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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146
cemetery
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| n.坟墓，墓地，坟场 | |
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147
benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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148
amend
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|
| vt.修改，修订，改进；n.[pl.]赔罪，赔偿 | |
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149
legitimate
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|
| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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150
annul
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| v.宣告…无效，取消，废止 | |
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151
spurn
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| v.拒绝，摈弃；n.轻视的拒绝；踢开 | |
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152
repeal
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| n.废止，撤消；v.废止，撤消 | |
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153
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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154
reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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155
reigning
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| adj.统治的，起支配作用的 | |
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156
Christian
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|
| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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157
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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158
promulgated
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|
| v.宣扬（某事物）( promulgate的过去式和过去分词 )；传播；公布；颁布（法令、新法律等） | |
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159
conspicuous
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|
| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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160
onward
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|
| adj.向前的，前进的；adv.向前，前进，在先 | |
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161
omnipotent
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| adj.全能的，万能的 | |
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162
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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163
pretense
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| n.矫饰，做作，借口 | |
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164
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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165
stimulate
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| vt.刺激，使兴奋；激励，使…振奋 | |
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166
sordid
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| adj.肮脏的，不干净的，卑鄙的，暗淡的 | |
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167
concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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168
contractors
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| n.（建筑、监造中的）承包人( contractor的名词复数 ) | |
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169
franchises
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| n.（尤指选举议员的）选举权( franchise的名词复数 )；参政权；获特许权的商业机构（或服务）；（公司授予的）特许经销权v.给…以特许权，出售特许权( franchise的第三人称单数 ) | |
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170
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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171
laboring
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|
| n.劳动，操劳v.努力争取(for)( labor的现在分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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172
exultation
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| n.狂喜，得意 | |
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173
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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174
civilize
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| vt.使文明，使开化 (=civilise) | |
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175
dynamite
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| n./vt.(用)炸药(爆破) | |
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176
disciples
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|
| n.信徒( disciple的名词复数 )；门徒；耶稣的信徒；（尤指）耶稣十二门徒之一 | |
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177
avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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178
rebuked
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| 责难或指责( rebuke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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179
bullying
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| v.恐吓，威逼( bully的现在分词 )；豪；跋扈 | |
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180
brutal
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|
| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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181
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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182
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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183
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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184
naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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185
imperative
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|
| n.命令，需要；规则；祈使语气；adj.强制的；紧急的 | |
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186
convene
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|
| v.集合，召集，召唤，聚集，集合 | |
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187
plundering
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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188
guardian
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| n.监护人；守卫者，保护者 | |
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189
molestation
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| n.骚扰，干扰，调戏；折磨 | |
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190
complacent
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| adj.自满的；自鸣得意的 | |
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191
obliterates
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|
| v.除去( obliterate的第三人称单数 )；涂去；擦掉；彻底破坏或毁灭 | |
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192
subterfuge
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| n.诡计；藉口 | |
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193
invertebrate
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| n.无脊椎动物 | |
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194
plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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195
entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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196
exterior
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| adj.外部的，外在的；表面的 | |
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197
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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198
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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199
behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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200
quarried
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| v.从采石场采得( quarry的过去式和过去分词 )；从（书本等中）努力发掘（资料等）；在采石场采石 | |
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201
erect
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|
| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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202
brotherhood
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|
| n.兄弟般的关系，手中情谊 | |
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203
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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204
arbiter
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| n.仲裁人，公断人 | |
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