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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
Thank you. Thank you, very much.
Chancellor1 Kohl, Governing Mayor Diepgen, ladies and gentlemen: Twenty four years ago, President John F. Kennedy visited Berlin, and speaking to the people of this city and the world at the city hall. Well since then two other presidents have come, each in his turn to Berlin. And today, I, myself, make my second visit to your city.
We come to Berlin, we American Presidents, because it's our duty to speak in this place of freedom. But I must confess, we’re drawn2 here by other things as well; by the feeling of history in this city -- more than 500 years older than our own nation; by the beauty of the Grunewald and the Tiergarten; most of all, by your courage and determination. Perhaps the composer, Paul Linke, understood something about American Presidents. You see, like so many Presidents before me, I come here today because wherever I go, whatever I do: “Ich hab noch einen Koffer in Berlin” [I still have a suitcase in Berlin.]
Our gathering4 today is being broadcast throughout Western Europe and North America. I understand that it is being seen and heard as well in the East. To those listening throughout Eastern Europe, I extend my warmest greetings and the good will of the American people. To those listening in East Berlin, a special word: Although I cannot be with you, I address my remarks to you just as surely as to those standing5 here before me. For I join you, as I join your fellow countrymen in the West, in this firm, this unalterable belief: Es gibt nur ein Berlin. [There is only one Berlin.]
Behind me stands a wall that encircles the free sectors6 of this city, part of a vast system of barriers that divides the entire continent of Europe. From the Baltic South, those barriers cut across Germany in a gash7 of barbed wire, concrete, dog runs, and guard towers. Farther south, there may be no visible, no obvious wall. But there remain armed guards and checkpoints all the same -- still a restriction8 on the right to travel, still an instrument to impose upon ordinary men and women the will of a totalitarian state.
Yet, it is here in Berlin where the wall emerges most clearly; here, cutting across your city, where the news photo and the television screen have imprinted9 this brutal10 division of a continent upon the mind of the world.
Standing before the Brandenburg Gate, every man is a German separated from his fellow men.
Every man is a Berliner, forced to look upon a scar.
President Von Weizsäcker has said, "The German question is open as long as the Brandenburg Gate is closed." Well today -- today I say: As long as this gate is closed, as long as this scar of a wall is permitted to stand, it is not the German question alone that remains11 open, but the question of freedom for all mankind.
Yet, I do not come here to lament12. For I find in Berlin a message of hope, even in the shadow of this wall, a message of triumph.
In this season of spring in 1945, the people of Berlin emerged from their air-raid shelters to find devastation13. Thousands of miles away, the people of the United States reached out to help. And in 1947 Secretary of State -- as you've been told -- George Marshall announced the creation of what would become known as the Marshall Plan. Speaking precisely14 40 years ago this month, he said: "Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine15, but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos16."
In the Reichstag a few moments ago, I saw a display commemorating17 this 40th anniversary of the Marshall Plan. I was struck by a sign -- the sign on a burnt-out, gutted18 structure that was being rebuilt. I understand that Berliners of my own generation can remember seeing signs like it dotted throughout the western sectors of the city. The sign read simply: "The Marshall Plan is helping19 here to strengthen the free world." A strong, free world in the West -- that dream became real. Japan rose from ruin to become an economic giant. Italy, France, Belgium -- virtually every nation in Western Europe saw political and economic rebirth; the European Community was founded.
In West Germany and here in Berlin, there took place an economic miracle, the Wirtschaftswunder. Adenauer, Erhard, Reuter, and other leaders understood the practical importance of liberty -- that just as truth can flourish only when the journalist is given freedom of speech, so prosperity can come about only when the farmer and businessman enjoy economic freedom. The German leaders -- the German leaders reduced tariffs21, expanded free trade, lowered taxes. From 1950 to 1960 alone, the standard of living in West Germany and Berlin doubled.
Where four decades ago there was rubble22, today in West Berlin there is the greatest industrial output of any city in Germany: busy office blocks, fine homes and apartments, proud avenues, and the spreading lawns of parkland. Where a city's culture seemed to have been destroyed, today there are two great universities, orchestras and an opera, countless23 theaters, and museums. Where there was want, today there's abundance -- food, clothing, automobiles24 -- the wonderful goods of the Kudamm.¹ From devastation, from utter ruin, you Berliners have, in freedom, rebuilt a city that once again ranks as one of the greatest on earth. Now the Soviets26 may have had other plans. But my friends, there were a few things the Soviets didn't count on: Berliner Herz, Berliner Humor, ja, und Berliner Schnauze. [Berliner heart, Berliner humor, yes, and a Berliner Schnauze.²]
In the 1950s -- In the 1950s Khrushchev predicted: "We will bury you."
But in the West today, we see a free world that has achieved a level of prosperity and well-being27 unprecedented28 in all human history. In the Communist world, we see failure, technological29 backwardness, declining standards of health, even want of the most basic kind -- too little food. Even today, the Soviet25 Union still cannot feed itself. After these four decades, then, there stands before the entire world one great and inescapable conclusion: Freedom leads to prosperity. Freedom replaces the ancient hatreds30 among the nations with comity31 and peace. Freedom is the victor.
And now -- now the Soviets themselves may, in a limited way, be coming to understand the importance of freedom. We hear much from Moscow about a new policy of reform and openness. Some political prisoners have been released. Certain foreign news broadcasts are no longer being jammed. Some economic enterprises have been permitted to operate with greater freedom from state control.
Are these the beginnings of profound changes in the Soviet state? Or are they token gestures intended to raise false hopes in the West,or to strengthen the Soviet system without changing it? We welcome change and openness; for we believe that freedom and security go together, that the advance of human liberty -- the advance of human liberty can only strengthen the cause of world peace.
There is one sign the Soviets can make that would be unmistakable, that would advance dramatically the cause of freedom and peace.
General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, if you seek liberalization: Come here to this gate.
Mr. Gorbachev, open this gate.
Mr. Gorbachev -- Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!
I understand the fear of war and the pain of division that afflict32 this continent, and I pledge to you my country's efforts to help overcome these burdens. To be sure, we in the West must resist Soviet expansion. So, we must maintain defenses of unassailable strength. Yet we seek peace; so we must strive to reduce arms on both sides.
Beginning 10 years ago, the Soviets challenged the Western alliance with a grave new threat, hundreds of new and more deadly SS-20 nuclear missiles capable of striking every capital in Europe. The Western alliance responded by committing itself to a counter-deployment (unless the Soviets agreed to negotiate a better solution) -- namely, the elimination34 of such weapons on both sides. For many months, the Soviets refused to bargain in earnestness. As the alliance, in turn, prepared to go forward with its counter-deployment, there were difficult days, days of protests like those during my 1982 visit to this city; and the Soviets later walked away from the table.
But through it all, the alliance held firm. And I invite those who protested then -- I invite those who protest today -- to mark this fact: Because we remained strong, the Soviets came back to the table. Because we remained strong, today we have within reach the possibility, not merely of limiting the growth of arms, but of eliminating, for the first time, an entire class of nuclear weapons from the face of the earth.
As I speak, NATO ministers are meeting in Iceland to review the progress of our proposals for eliminating these weapons. At the talks in Geneva, we have also proposed deep cuts in strategic offensive weapons. And the Western allies have likewise made far-reaching proposals to reduce the danger of conventional war and to place a total ban on chemical weapons.
While we pursue these arms reductions, I pledge to you that we will maintain the capacity to deter3 Soviet aggression36 at any level at which it might occur. And in cooperation with many of our allies, the United States is pursuing the Strategic Defense33 Initiative -- research to base deterrence37 not on the threat of offensive retaliation38, but on defenses that truly defend; on systems, in short, that will not target populations, but shield them. By these means we seek to increase the safety of Europe and all the world. But we must remember a crucial fact: East and West do not mistrust each other because we are armed; we are armed because we mistrust each other. And our differences are not about weapons but about liberty. When President Kennedy spoke39 at the City Hall those 24 years ago, freedom was encircled; Berlin was under siege. And today, despite all the pressures upon this city, Berlin stands secure in its liberty. And freedom itself is transforming the globe.
In the Philippines, in South and Central America, democracy has been given a rebirth. Throughout the Pacific, free markets are working miracle after miracle of economic growth. In the industrialized nations, a technological revolution is taking place, a revolution marked by rapid, dramatic advances in computers and telecommunications.
In Europe, only one nation and those it controls refuse to join the community of freedom. Yet in this age of redoubled economic growth, of information and innovation, the Soviet Union faces a choice: It must make fundamental changes, or it will become obsolete40.
Today, thus, represents a moment of hope. We in the West stand ready to cooperate with the East to promote true openness, to break down barriers that separate people, to create a safer, freer world. And surely there is no better place than Berlin, the meeting place of East and West, to make a start.
Free people of Berlin: Today, as in the past, the United States stands for the strict observance and full implementation41 of all parts of the Four Power Agreement of 1971. Let us use this occasion, the 750th anniversary of this city, to usher42 in a new era, to seek a still fuller, richer life for the Berlin of the future. Together, let us maintain and develop the ties between the Federal Republic and the Western sectors of Berlin, which is permitted by the 1971 agreement.
And I invite Mr. Gorbachev: Let us work to bring the Eastern and Western parts of the city closer together, so that all the inhabitants of all Berlin can enjoy the benefits that come with life in one of the great cities of the world.
To open Berlin still further to all Europe, East and West, let us expand the vital air access to this city, finding ways of making commercial air service to Berlin more convenient, more comfortable, and more economical. We look to the day when West Berlin can become one of the chief aviation hubs in all central Europe.
With -- With our French -- With our French and British partners, the United States is prepared to help bring international meetings to Berlin. It would be only fitting for Berlin to serve as the site of United Nations meetings, or world conferences on human rights and arms control, or other issues that call for international cooperation.
There is no better way to establish hope for the future than to enlighten young minds, and we would be honored to sponsor summer youth exchanges, cultural events, and other programs for young Berliners from the East. Our French and British friends, I'm certain, will do the same. And it's my hope that an authority can be found in East Berlin to sponsor visits from young people of the Western sectors.
One final proposal, one close to my heart: Sport represents a source of enjoyment43 and ennoblement, and you may have noted44 that the Republic of Korea -- South Korea -- has offered to permit certain events of the 1988 Olympics to take place in the North. International sports competitions of all kinds could take place in both parts of this city. And what better way to demonstrate to the world the openness of this city than to offer in some future year to hold the Olympic games here in Berlin, East and West.
In these four decades, as I have said, you Berliners have built a great city. You've done so in spite of threats -- the Soviet attempts to impose the East-mark, the blockade. Today the city thrives in spite of the challenges implicit45 in the very presence of this wall. What keeps you here? Certainly there's a great deal to be said for your fortitude46, for your defiant47 courage. But I believe there's something deeper, something that involves Berlin's whole look and feel and way of life -- not mere35 sentiment. No one could live long in Berlin without being completely disabused48 of illusions. Something, instead, that has seen the difficulties of life in Berlin but chose to accept them, that continues to build this good and proud city in contrast to a surrounding totalitarian presence, that refuses to release human energies or aspirations49, something that speaks with a powerful voice of affirmation, that says "yes" to this city, yes to the future, yes to freedom. In a word, I would submit that what keeps you in Berlin -- is "love."
Perhaps this gets to the root of the matter, to the most fundamental distinction of all between East and West. The totalitarian world produces backwardness because it does such violence to the spirit, thwarting51 the human impulse to create, to enjoy, to worship. The totalitarian world finds even symbols of love and of worship an affront52.
Years ago, before the East Germans began rebuilding their churches, they erected53 a secular54 structure: the television tower at Alexander Platz. Virtually ever since, the authorities have been working to correct what they view as the tower's one major flaw: treating the glass sphere at the top with paints and chemicals of every kind. Yet even today when the sun strikes that sphere, that sphere that towers over all Berlin, the light makes the sign of the cross. There in Berlin, like the city itself, symbols of love, symbols of worship, cannot be suppressed.
As I looked out a moment ago from the Reichstag, that embodiment of German unity20, I noticed words crudely spray-painted upon the wall, perhaps by a young Berliner (quote):
"This wall will fall. Beliefs become reality."
Yes, across Europe, this wall will fall, for it cannot withstand faith; it cannot withstand truth. The wall cannot withstand freedom.
And I would like, before I close, to say one word. I have read, and I have been questioned since I've been here about certain demonstrations55 against my coming. And I would like to say just one thing, and to those who demonstrate so. I wonder if they have ever asked themselves that if they should have the kind of government they apparently56 seek, no one would ever be able to do what they're doing again.
Thank you and God bless you all. Thank you.
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收听单词发音
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1
chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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3
deter
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| vt.阻止，使不敢，吓住 | |
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gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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sectors
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| n.部门( sector的名词复数 )；领域；防御地区；扇形 | |
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gash
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| v.深切，划开；n.(深长的)切(伤)口；裂缝 | |
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restriction
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| n.限制，约束 | |
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imprinted
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| v.盖印（imprint的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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11
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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lament
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| n.悲叹，悔恨，恸哭；v.哀悼，悔恨，悲叹 | |
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13
devastation
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| n.毁坏；荒废；极度震惊或悲伤 | |
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14
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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15
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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16
chaos
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| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
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17
commemorating
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| v.纪念，庆祝( commemorate的现在分词 ) | |
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18
gutted
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| adj.容易消化的v.毁坏（建筑物等）的内部( gut的过去式和过去分词 )；取出…的内脏 | |
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helping
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| n.食物的一份&adj.帮助人的，辅助的 | |
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unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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21
tariffs
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| 关税制度； 关税( tariff的名词复数 )； 关税表； （旅馆或饭店等的）收费表； 量刑标准 | |
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22
rubble
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| n.（一堆）碎石，瓦砾 | |
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23
countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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24
automobiles
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| n.汽车( automobile的名词复数 ) | |
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25
Soviet
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| adj.苏联的，苏维埃的；n.苏维埃 | |
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soviets
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| 苏维埃（Soviet的复数形式） | |
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27
well-being
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| n.安康，安乐，幸福 | |
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unprecedented
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| adj.无前例的，新奇的 | |
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technological
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| adj.技术的；工艺的 | |
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30
hatreds
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| n.仇恨，憎恶( hatred的名词复数 )；厌恶的事 | |
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comity
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| n.礼让，礼仪；团结，联合 | |
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32
afflict
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| vt.使身体或精神受痛苦，折磨 | |
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33
defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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34
elimination
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| n.排除，消除，消灭 | |
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35
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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aggression
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| n.进攻，侵略，侵犯，侵害 | |
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37
deterrence
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| 威慑，制止； 制止物，制止因素； 挽留的事物； 核威慑 | |
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retaliation
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| n.报复，反击 | |
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39
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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40
obsolete
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| adj.已废弃的，过时的 | |
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41
implementation
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| n.实施，贯彻 | |
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42
usher
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| n.带位员，招待员；vt.引导，护送；vi.做招待，担任引座员 | |
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43
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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44
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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45
implicit
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| a.暗示的，含蓄的，不明晰的，绝对的 | |
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46
fortitude
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| n.坚忍不拔；刚毅 | |
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47
defiant
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| adj.无礼的，挑战的 | |
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48
disabused
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| v.去除…的错误想法( disabuse的过去式和过去分词 )；使醒悟 | |
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49
aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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50
abiding
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| adj.永久的，持久的，不变的 | |
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51
thwarting
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| 阻挠( thwart的现在分词 )； 使受挫折； 挫败； 横过 | |
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52
affront
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| n./v.侮辱，触怒 | |
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53
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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54
secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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55
demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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56
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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