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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
The global Muslim community has been in mourning since a gunman open fired in two mosques1 in Christchurch, New Zealand, nearly a week ago. Fifty people were killed in the attack, which New Zealand’s prime minister has described as an act of terrorism.
The massacre2 has prompted a larger discussion about the rise of Islamophobia across the world, including here in the United States. Stateside spoke3 with Khaled Beydoun, a law professor at University of Detroit Mercy and author of American Islamophobia: Understanding the Roots and Rise of Fear, about the increase in anti-Muslim sentiment.
Beydoun says there are two distinct, but related, forms of Islamophobia.
The first is private Islamophobia, which refers to the fear, hatred4, [and] animus5 that individuals feel toward Muslim people and Islam in general. The second is structural6 Islamophobia, which takes the shape of policies, laws, and political rhetoric8 put forth9 by the government and its officials that negatively affect Muslims in America.
There's a distinction there, and it's an important distinction, but there's also a convergence where state-sponsored, structural Islamophobia intensifies10, emboldens11, [and] abets12 the private Islamophobia we see on the ground, Beydoun explained.
Hate crimes and attacks against individual Muslims have been on the rise since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. Beydoun argues that the federal government has also unfairly targeted Muslims through policies established in the wake of the attacks, including the The Patriot13 Act and NSEERS (National Security Entry-Exit Registration14 System). He says those policies reveal a bigoted15 disposition16 toward Muslims.
But while Islamophobia may have become more public in recent years, Beydoun says it existed long before 9/11 and the subsequent War on Terror.
There's always been this, at worst, demonization of Islam and Muslims, and at best this idea that Muslims were this foreign class of people that could not be assimilated into the American body politic7 or American society, Beydoun said.
Beydoun argues that global superpowers like the United States always need a rival by which to define themselves. During the Cold War, that rival was the Soviet17 Union. But after that regime fell in 1989, it left a void that Islam and the Muslim world soon filled.
Beydoun's book focuses on a more recent iteration of structural Islamophobia called counter-radicalization policing. He writes about the government's push to tap Muslims in different communities, mosques, and student organizations and use them as on-the-ground informants to help keep track of people that law enforcement believes might be inclined toward radicalization.
Radicalization theory is the idea that Muslims are somehow more prone19 to become radical18 in their beliefs and in their expression of those beliefs. Beydoun says that it's legitimate20 to say that people can be radicalized based on their religious beliefs.
I would certainly say that there are certain branches [and] interpretations21 of Islam, as there are certain interpretations of Christianity, for instance, which might inspire individuals toward violence. However, what is non-credible about it is that it tabs Islam as a standalone ideology22 or faith that gives rise to radicalization, he added.
Beydoun says that getting more Muslims into politics is critical in dismantling23 Islamophobia. He argues that President Trump24's rhetoric has contributed to the stereotyping25 of Muslims as terrorists in order to galvanize his base.
It's really important that we have Muslims in these halls of power to counter what Trump is saying, not relying on third parties or other individuals to speak on our behalf, Beydoun said.
This post was written by Stateside production assistant Isabella Isaacs-Thomas.
1 mosques | |
清真寺; 伊斯兰教寺院,清真寺; 清真寺,伊斯兰教寺院( mosque的名词复数 ) | |
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2 massacre | |
n.残杀,大屠杀;v.残杀,集体屠杀 | |
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3 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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4 hatred | |
n.憎恶,憎恨,仇恨 | |
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5 animus | |
n.恶意;意图 | |
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6 structural | |
adj.构造的,组织的,建筑(用)的 | |
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7 politic | |
adj.有智虑的;精明的;v.从政 | |
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8 rhetoric | |
n.修辞学,浮夸之言语 | |
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9 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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10 intensifies | |
n.(使)增强, (使)加剧( intensify的名词复数 )v.(使)增强, (使)加剧( intensify的第三人称单数 ) | |
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11 emboldens | |
v.鼓励,使有胆量( embolden的第三人称单数 ) | |
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12 abets | |
v.教唆(犯罪)( abet的第三人称单数 );煽动;怂恿;支持 | |
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13 patriot | |
n.爱国者,爱国主义者 | |
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14 registration | |
n.登记,注册,挂号 | |
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15 bigoted | |
adj.固执己见的,心胸狭窄的 | |
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16 disposition | |
n.性情,性格;意向,倾向;排列,部署 | |
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17 Soviet | |
adj.苏联的,苏维埃的;n.苏维埃 | |
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18 radical | |
n.激进份子,原子团,根号;adj.根本的,激进的,彻底的 | |
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19 prone | |
adj.(to)易于…的,很可能…的;俯卧的 | |
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20 legitimate | |
adj.合法的,合理的,合乎逻辑的;v.使合法 | |
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21 interpretations | |
n.解释( interpretation的名词复数 );表演;演绎;理解 | |
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22 ideology | |
n.意识形态,(政治或社会的)思想意识 | |
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23 dismantling | |
(枪支)分解 | |
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24 trump | |
n.王牌,法宝;v.打出王牌,吹喇叭 | |
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25 stereotyping | |
v.把…模式化,使成陈规( stereotype的现在分词 ) | |
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