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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
John F. Kennedy: Inaugural1 Address
约翰·肯尼迪自幼受到良好的教育,最后读了哈佛大学和斯坦福大学,1940年毕业。第二次世界大战中肯尼迪加入美国海军,在对日作战中负伤。战后,肯尼迪29岁即当选为议员,后三次连任。他在1953 年9月12 日与杰奎琳·布维尔结婚,生有二子一女。
1960年肯尼迪参加总统竞选。他提出“新边疆”的竞选口号,倡导在科学技术、经济发展、战争与和平等各个领域开拓新天地。1961年,肯尼迪在选民投票过程中以极小的差距赢得总统的位置,击败了共和党人尼克松,成为美国历史上最年轻的总统,也是第一个罗马天主教总统。
在肯尼迪的就职演说中说道:“不要问你的国家能为你做什么?而要问你能为你的国家做什么。”作为总统,他开始履行他的战役保证再次使美国运转起来。他上台后并非一切如愿。任职开始就遇到了美国入侵古巴惨败的事实。他为了寻得平等的权利采取有力措施,要求新公民权利立法。他给予民族文化的质量和艺术在一起至关重要的社会中心角色。他希望美国恢复老的任务作为致力于人权的革命的最早的民族。 由于发展和和平小组的联盟,他对发展中国家的帮助为美国人带来理想主义。1963年,正当肯尼迪踌躇满志要进一步干一番事业的时候,他遇刺身亡。
我的美国同胞们,不要问你的国家能为你做些什么,而要问你能为你的国家做些什么。
my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.
演讲全文:John F. Kennedy: Inaugural Address
Vice2 President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy3, fellow citizens:
We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing4 an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal5, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty6 God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.
The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity7 of the state, but from the hand of God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth8 from this time and place, to friend and foe9 alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling10 to witness or permit the slow undoing12 of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.
This much we pledge -- and more.
To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty13 of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds14 and split asunder15.
To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.
To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery16, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey17 of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression18 or subversion19 anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.
To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum20 for invective21, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ22 may run.
Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary23, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed24 by science engulf25 all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.
We dare not tempt26 them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.
But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing27 to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.
So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity28 is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.
Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring29 those problems which divide us.
Let both sides, for the first time, formulate30 serious and precise proposals for the inspection31 and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.
Let both sides seek to invoke32 the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate33 disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.
Let both sides unite to heed34, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to "undo11 the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free."?
And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.
All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.
In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony35 to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.
Now the trumpet36 summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight37 struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation,"?a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.
Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?
In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.
And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.
My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.
Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing38 and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.
1 inaugural | |
adj.就职的;n.就职典礼 | |
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2 vice | |
n.坏事;恶习;[pl.]台钳,老虎钳;adj.副的 | |
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3 clergy | |
n.[总称]牧师,神职人员 | |
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4 symbolizing | |
v.象征,作为…的象征( symbolize的现在分词 ) | |
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5 renewal | |
adj.(契约)延期,续订,更新,复活,重来 | |
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6 almighty | |
adj.全能的,万能的;很大的,很强的 | |
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7 generosity | |
n.大度,慷慨,慷慨的行为 | |
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8 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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9 foe | |
n.敌人,仇敌 | |
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10 unwilling | |
adj.不情愿的 | |
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11 undo | |
vt.解开,松开;取消,撤销 | |
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12 undoing | |
n.毁灭的原因,祸根;破坏,毁灭 | |
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13 loyalty | |
n.忠诚,忠心 | |
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14 odds | |
n.让步,机率,可能性,比率;胜败优劣之别 | |
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15 asunder | |
adj.分离的,化为碎片 | |
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16 misery | |
n.痛苦,苦恼,苦难;悲惨的境遇,贫苦 | |
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17 prey | |
n.被掠食者,牺牲者,掠食;v.捕食,掠夺,折磨 | |
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18 aggression | |
n.进攻,侵略,侵犯,侵害 | |
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19 subversion | |
n.颠覆,破坏 | |
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20 forum | |
n.论坛,讨论会 | |
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21 invective | |
n.痛骂,恶意抨击 | |
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22 writ | |
n.命令状,书面命令 | |
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23 adversary | |
adj.敌手,对手 | |
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24 unleashed | |
v.把(感情、力量等)释放出来,发泄( unleash的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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25 engulf | |
vt.吞没,吞食 | |
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26 tempt | |
vt.引诱,勾引,吸引,引起…的兴趣 | |
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27 racing | |
n.竞赛,赛马;adj.竞赛用的,赛马用的 | |
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28 sincerity | |
n.真诚,诚意;真实 | |
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29 belaboring | |
v.毒打一顿( belabor的现在分词 );责骂;就…作过度的说明;向…唠叨 | |
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30 formulate | |
v.用公式表示;规划;设计;系统地阐述 | |
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31 inspection | |
n.检查,审查,检阅 | |
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32 invoke | |
v.求助于(神、法律);恳求,乞求 | |
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33 eradicate | |
v.根除,消灭,杜绝 | |
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34 heed | |
v.注意,留意;n.注意,留心 | |
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35 testimony | |
n.证词;见证,证明 | |
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36 trumpet | |
n.喇叭,喇叭声;v.吹喇叭,吹嘘 | |
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37 twilight | |
n.暮光,黄昏;暮年,晚期,衰落时期 | |
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38 blessing | |
n.祈神赐福;祷告;祝福,祝愿 | |
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