精美英文欣赏:胆小的新贵（在线收听）

The Scary New Rich

胆小的新贵

Aristotle believed they were democracy's secret weapon-the protectors of social values,the moderators of political extremism,and believers in a society run by laws instead of by strongmen.

亚里士多德认为，他们是民主体制的秘密武器—他们保卫社会价值观、缓和政治极端主义、在政府法令面前捍卫理性，并相信社会应当由法律而非铁腕人物来治理。

They have also been the engines of economic growth,setting the stage centuries ago for the expansion of capitalism and global trade,and continuing through the ages to snap up every new gadget in sight.

同时，他们还是经济增长的引擎，在几个世纪前就为资本主义和全球贸易的扩张搭起了舞台，并且多年来一直都抢先弄到自己所知的一切新潮玩意或服务。

Now, with the Western middle classes sinking into debt and distress,many economists look to a new emerging-market middle class as the potential foundation for a new age of global safety and prosperity.

如今，随着西方中产阶级深陷债务与危机之中，许多经济学家都将新兴市场的中产阶级视作全球安全与繁荣新时代的潜在基础。

As large developing nations became more prosperous,it was always assumed that they would become more like the suburbs of Washington or London-liberal, democratic,market-friendly bastions not only of Western-style consumerism but also of political liberty.

在大的发展中国家日趋繁荣之时，人们一直以为它们会变得更像是华盛顿或者伦敦的郊区—它们自由、民主、注重市场，是西方消费主义及政治自由的堡垒。

With time and wealth, they would become just like us.

随着时间的推移与财富的积累，他们会变得与我们一模一样。

The truth is that they are not becoming just like us.

事实上，他们不会变得与我们一样。

The global middle class is rising faster than expected,in numbers and in wealth,but converging incomes are not yielding shared values.

全球中产阶级在人数与财富方面的增长速度超出了我们的预计。

The emerging bourgeoisie is a patchwork of contradictions:clamorous but rarely confrontational politically,supporters of globalization yet highly nationalistic,proud of their nations' upward mobility yet insecure and fearful they will fall back,fiercely individualistic but reliant on government subsidies,and often socially conservative.

但趋同的收入水平却未能产生共同的价值观。新兴资产阶级是一种矛盾的集合体: 他们大声发表意见，却很少参与政治交锋;支持全球化，却有高度民族主义倾向;对自己国家不断上升的势头感到自豪，却缺乏安全感，并担心自身会出现倒退;极具个人主义，却依赖政府补助，而且往往是社会保守派。

Many of the aspiring elite seem willing to let the powers that be-whether authoritarian governments or elected ones-call the shots as long as they deliver the spoils of growth.

许多有抱负的精英似乎愿意让现政权—无论是专制政府还是民选政府—掌控政局，只要它们能带来经济增长的好处。

It's also worth remembering that the new middle classes are psychologically driven by an odd mix of pride and insecurity.

同样要记住的是，新兴中产阶级受到既自豪又不安的复杂心理所驱使。

Close to 30 percent of Brazil's new middle class owes its livelihood to the informal market,where income is irregular, safety nets are nonexistent,and opportunity for entrepreneurship is limited.

近30%的巴西新兴中产阶级都在非正规市场中谋生，收入很不稳定，缺乏社会保障网络，创业机会极为有限。

Many have borrowed their way to higher living standards,one reason perhaps that 53 percent say they live in fear of unemployment,loss of income, or even bankruptcy.

许多人是通过借贷的方式来达到较高生活水准的，这可能是53%的中产阶级说自己生活在对失业、收入减少甚至破产的恐惧之中的原因之一。

They have benefited from the explosion of private schools but have seen the overall quality of education plummet,eroding one of the classic middle-class paths to social mobility.

鉴于新兴中产阶级十分不稳定，他们影响政治变革的能力也将具有不确定性。

Indeed, some development economists argue that the poor will be a greater force for social change,but their ability to become a force for better government,greater freedoms, less corruption, and more economic liberty is much less certain.

一些经济学家强调，穷人将成为推动社会变革的更强大的力量。发展中世界新涌现的消费人群也许在收银台上释放了巨大的新能量，但他们不太可能成为推动政府改良、扩大自由、打击腐败以及提升经济自由度的力量。

They have a very long way to go before becoming us.

但要成为我们，他们还有很长的路要走。