时代周刊:推倒一个“变质”的偶像(2)（在线收听）

All too swiftly came the fall. Suu Kyi's defense of the military over 2017 atrocities committed against the Rohingya—a mostly Muslim minority in western Myanmar—made her an object of global scorn.

倒台来得太快了。昂山素季在2017年对缅甸西部罗兴亚人(主要是穆斯林)犯下的暴行为军方辩护，这使她成为全球嘲笑的对象。

U.N. investigators determined that the Tatmadaw's campaign of arson, rape and murder had "genocidal intent."

联合国调查人员认定，缅甸军队的纵火、强奸和谋杀行动具有“种族灭绝的意图”。

Suu Kyi rejected the accusations, defending Myanmar against charges of genocide at the Hague in 2019.

昂山素季否认了这些指控，并于2019年在海牙为缅甸的种族灭绝罪辩护。

To those in the outside world who once deified her, it was a breathtaking betrayal.

对于外界那些曾经神化她的人来说，这是一种不可思议的背叛。

Amnesty International had bestowed its highest honor on her, but revoked it in 2018 in light of her "shameful betrayal of the values she once stood for."

大赦国际曾授予她最高荣誉，但在2018年撤销了这一荣誉，因为她“可耻地背叛了她曾经代表的价值观”。

The portrait of her that once hung at her alma mater Oxford University was mothballed.

她那曾挂在母校牛津大学的肖像也被封存。

Wai Wai Nu, a Rohingya activist living in the U.S., says that in the eyes of the country's more than 100 ethnic minorities, Suu Kyi's defense of the military separated her from the quest for democracy.

薇薇努，一位生活在美国的罗兴亚活动家，说在这个国家超过100个少数民族的眼中，昂山素季对军队的保护使她与民主的追求分离开来。

"We felt betrayed," she says. If they oppose the coup, it's not because they have changed their position on Suu Kyi. "We are standing up for what is right for the country."

“我们感到被背叛了，”她说。如果他们反对政变，那并不是因为他们改变了对昂山素季的立场。“我们在为国家的正义挺身而出。”

But Suu Kyi remains enormously popular in Myanmar. On Feb. 2, many Yangon residents stood at their windows banging on pots and pans, some chanting, "Long live mother Aung San Suu Kyi!"

但是昂山素季在缅甸仍然非常受欢迎。2月2日，许多仰光居民站在窗户前敲着锅碗瓢盆，一些人高喊着，“昂山素季母亲万岁！”

There are signs of popular resistance internally, with reports that doctors and nurses are refusing to work in protest.

有迹象表明国内出现了民众的抵抗，有报道称医生和护士拒绝工作以示抗议。

Some longtime Myanmar watchers say no one should be writing off Suu Kyi just yet.

一些长期观察缅甸局势的人士说，目前还没有人应该把昂山素季排除在外。

Even behind bars she would be "one of the most powerful people in the country," says Mark Farmaner, director of human rights advocacy group Burma Campaign U.K.

即便身陷囹圄，她也会成为“这个国家最有权势的人之一，”人权倡导组织缅甸运动英国主任马克·法曼纳说。

Yet ongoing COVID-19 restrictions make mass protests unlikely, and fear of reprisal is well justified; thousands were arrested and as many as 200 killed during 2007 demonstrations, according to advocacy groups.

然而，因目前仍在实施冠相关限制措施，发生大规模抗议的可能性极小，害怕报复是有道理的。据宣传组织说，在2007年的示威活动中，有数千人被捕，多达200人被杀。

"There isn't really (any protest going on here)," says Ye Yint Thu, a university student who lives on the Thai border. "I want to participate, but if I do it alone, I might be arrested."

“这里真的没有发生(任何抗议活动)，”住在泰国边境的大学生叶因图说。“我想参加，但如果我一个人去，可能会被逮捕。”

There are also signs that a return to military rule has been a dose of reality for those hoping for democracy.

也有迹象表明恢复军事统治对那些希望民主的人来说是一剂现实的良药。

Youth activist Thinzar Shunlei Yi says he and others are tired of the "personality cult" of Suu Kyi.

青年活动人士Thinzar Shunlei Yi说，他和其他人已经厌倦了对昂山素季的“个人崇拜”。

"We want a real democracy led by real people." Kyaw Kyaw, the LGBTQ-rights campaigner, adds that Suu Kyi's latest imprisonment has been a wake-up call:

“我们想要一个由真正的人民领导的真正的民主。”LGBTQ(性少数群体)权利活动家觉觉补充说，昂山素季最近的入狱事件是一个警钟：

"A lesson learned is we should not depend on a person. We should depend on a political structure."

“我们得到的教训是，我们不应该依靠一个人，我们应该依靠政治结构。”