I Have a Dream 我有一个梦想（在线收听）

导言阅读

马丁·路德·金（1929—1968），美国黑人律师，著名黑人民权运动领袖。一生曾三次被捕，三次被行刺，1964年获诺贝尔和平奖。1968年被种族主义分子枪杀。他被誉为近百年来八大最具有说服力的演说家之一。1963年他领导25万人向华盛顿进军“大游行”，为黑人争取自由平等和就业。马丁·路德·金在游行集会上发表了这篇著名演说。

演讲实录

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatestdemonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signedthe Emancipation Proclamation . This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope tomillions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as ajoyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity .

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of theNegro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination .

One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast oceanof material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners ofAmerican society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today todramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of ourrepublic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence,they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was apromise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the “unalienableRights” of “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” It is obvious today that America hasdefaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead ofhonoring this sacred obligation , America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check whichhas come back marked “insufficient funds.”

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that thereare insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cashthis check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now.

This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug ofgradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy . Now is the time to risefrom the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the timeto lift our nation from the quick sands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now isthe time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This swelteringsummer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn offreedom and equality . Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hopethat the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if thenation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America untilthe Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake thefoundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold whichleads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guiltyof wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup ofbitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity anddiscipline . We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Againand again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to adistrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence heretoday, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come torealize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always marchahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “Whenwill you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of theunspeakable horrors of police brutality . We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavywith the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of thecities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to alarger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood androbbed of their dignity by a sign stating: “For Whites Only.” We cannot be satisfied as long as aNegro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which tovote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until “justice rolls down like waters,and righteousness like a mighty stream.”

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Someof you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where yourquest—quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by thewinds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work withthe faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.

Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia,go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing thatsomehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I sayto you today, my friends. And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, Istill have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed:

“We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.”

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sonsof former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat ofinjustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom andjustice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not bejudged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governorhaving his lips dripping with the words of “interposition” and “nullification” -- one day right therein Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys andwhite girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shallbe made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight;and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith, we willbe able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able totransform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With thisfaith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together,to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to singwith new meaning:

My country'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, landof the Pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.

Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.

But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.

From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every villageand every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all ofGod's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will beable to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual: Free at last! Free at last! ThankGod Almighty, we are free at last!

参考译文

今天，我高兴地同大家一起，参加这次将成为我国历史上为了争取自由而举行的最伟大的示威集会。

100年前，一位伟大的美国人签署了《解放宣言》，今天我们就站在他的雕像前集会。

这一庄严的宣言犹如灯塔的光芒，给千百万在那摧残生命的不义之火中受煎熬的黑奴带来希望。它的到来犹如欢乐的黎明，结束了束缚黑人的漫长黑夜。

然而100年后的今天，我们必须正视黑人还没有得到自由这一悲惨的事实。100年后的今天，黑人依然悲惨地蹒跚于种族隔离和种族歧视的枷锁之下。100年后，黑人依然生活在物质繁荣的贫困孤岛上。100年后，黑人依然在美国社会中间向隅而泣，依然感到自己在国土家园中流离漂泊。所以，我们今天来到这里，要把这骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。

从某种意义上说，我们来到国家的首都是为了兑现一张支票。我们共和国的缔造者在拟写宪法和独立宣言的辉煌篇章时，就签署了一张每一个美国人都能继承的期票。这张期票向所有人承诺——不论白人还是黑人——都享有不可剥夺的生存权、自由权和追求幸福权。

然而，今天美国显然对她的有色公民拖欠着这张期票。美国没有承兑这笔神圣的债务，而是开始给黑人一张空头支票——一张盖着“资金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。但是，我们决不相信正义的银行会破产。我们决不相信这个国家巨大的机会宝库会资金不足。因此，我们来兑现这张支票。这张支票将给我们以宝贵的自由和正义的保障。

我们来到这块圣地还为了提醒美国：现在正是万分紧急的时刻。现在不是从容不迫悠然行事或服用渐进主义镇静剂的时候。现在是实现民主诺言的时候。现在是走出幽暗荒凉的种族隔离深谷，踏上种族平等的阳关大道的时候。现在是使我们国家走出种族不平等的流沙，踏上充满手足之情的磐石的时候。现在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的时候。

忽视这一时刻的紧迫性，对于国家将会是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到来，黑人顺情合理哀怨的酷暑就不会过去。1963年不是一个结束，而是一个开端。如果国家依然我行我素，那些希望黑人只需出出气就会心满意足的人将大失所望。在黑人得到公民权之前，美国既不会安宁，也不会平静。反抗的旋风将继续震撼我们国家的基石，直至光辉灿烂的正义之日来临。

但是，对于站在通向正义之宫艰险门槛上的人们，有一些话我必须要说。在我们争取合法地位的过程中，切不要错误行事导致犯罪。我们切不要吞饮仇恨辛酸的苦酒，来解除对于自由的饮渴。我们应该永远得体地、纪律严明地进行斗争。我们不能容许我们富有创造性的抗议沦为暴力行动。我们应该不断升华到用灵魂力量对付肉体力量的崇高境界。

席卷黑人社会的新的奇迹般的战斗精神，不应导致我们对所有白人的不信任——因为许多白人兄弟已经认识到：他们的命运同我们的命运紧密相连，他们的自由同我们的自由休戚相关。他们今天来到这里参加集会就是明证。

我们不能单独行动。当我们行动时，我们必须保证勇往直前。我们不能后退。有人问热心民权运动的人：“你们什么时候会感到满意？”只要黑人依然是不堪形容的警察暴行恐怖的牺牲品，我们就决不会满意。只要我们在旅途劳顿后，被公路旁汽车游客旅社和城市旅馆拒之门外，我们就决不会满意。只要黑人的基本活动范围只限于从狭小的黑人居住区到较大的黑人居住区，我们就决不会满意。只要我们的孩子被“仅供白人”的牌子剥夺个性，损毁尊严，我们就决不会满意。只要密西西比州的黑人不能参加选举，纽约州的黑人认为他们与选举毫不相干，我们就决不会满意。不，不，我们不会满意，直至公正似水奔流，正义如泉喷涌。

我并非没有注意到你们有些人历尽艰难困苦来到这里。你们有些人刚刚走出狭小的牢房。有些人来自因追求自由而遭受迫害风暴袭击和警察暴虐狂飙摧残的地区。你们饱经风霜，历尽苦难。继续努力吧，要相信：无辜受苦终得拯救。

回到密西西比去吧；回到亚拉巴马去吧；回到南卡罗来纳去吧；回到佐治亚去吧；回到路易斯安那去吧；回到我们北方城市中的贫民窟和黑人居住区去吧。要知道，这种情况能够而且将会改变。我们切不要在绝望的深渊里沉沦。朋友们，今天我要对你们说，尽管眼下困难重重，但我依然怀有一个梦想。这个梦想深深植根于美国梦之中。

我梦想有一天，这个国家将会奋起，实现其立国信条的真谛：“我们认为这些真理不言而喻：人人生而平等。”

我梦想有一天，在佐治亚州的红色山岗上，昔日奴隶的儿子能够同昔日奴隶主的儿子同席而坐，亲如手足。

我梦想有一天，甚至连密西西比州——一个非正义和压迫的热浪逼人的荒漠之州，也会改造成为自由和公正的青青绿洲。

我梦想有一天，我的四个儿女将生活在一个不是以皮肤的颜色，而是以品格的优劣作为评判标准的国家里。

我今天怀有一个梦想。

我梦想有一天，亚拉巴马州会有所改变——尽管该州州长现在仍滔滔不绝地说什么要对联邦法令提出异议和拒绝执行——在那里，黑人儿童能够和白人儿童如同兄弟姐妹般地携手并行。

我今天怀有一个梦想。

我梦想有一天，深谷弥合，高山夷平，歧路化坦途，曲径成通衢，上帝的光华再现，普天下生灵共谒。

这是我们的希望。这是我将带回南方去的信念。有了这个信念，我们就能从绝望之山开采出希望之石。有了这个信念，我们就能把这个国家的嘈杂刺耳的争吵声，变为充满手足之情的悦耳交响曲。有了这个信念，我们就能一同工作，一同祈祷，一同斗争，一同入狱，一同维护自由，因为我们知道，我们终有一天会获得自由。

到了这一天，上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含义高唱这首歌：

我的祖国，可爱的自由之邦，我为您歌唱。这是我祖先终老的地方，这是早期移民自豪的地方，让自由之声，响彻每一座山冈。

如果美国要成为伟大的国家，这一点必须实现。因此，让自由之声响彻新罕布什尔州的巍峨高峰！

让自由之声响彻纽约州的崇山峻岭！

让自由之声响彻宾夕法尼亚州的阿勒格尼高峰！

让自由之声响彻科罗拉多州冰雪皑皑的洛基山！

让自由之声响彻加利福尼亚州的婀娜群峰！

不，不仅如此；

让自由之声响彻佐治亚州的石山！

让自由之声响彻田纳西州的望山！

让自由之声响彻密西西比州的一座座山峰，一个个土丘！

让自由之声响彻每一个山岗！

当我们让自由之声轰响，当我们让自由之声响彻每一个村庄，每一个州府城镇，我们就能加速这一天的到来。那时，上帝的所有孩子，黑人和白人，犹太教徒和非犹太教徒，耶稣教徒和天主教徒，将能携手同唱那首古老的黑人灵歌：“终于自由了！终于自由了！感谢全能的上帝，我们终于自由了！”

Vocabulary Bank

1. demonstration ［?dem?ns'trei??n ］n 表示，实例They showed a clear demonstration of their intentions.

他们表示了明显的意图。

2. symbolic ［sim'b?lik ］adj ~ (of sth.) 用作符号的，象征性的The cross is symbolic of Christianity.

十字架是基督教的象征。

3. captivity ［k?p'tiviti ］n 被捕，囚禁

He was held in captivity for three years.

他被囚禁了三年。

4. segregation ［?seɡri'ɡei??n ］n 隔离

We oppose segregation on religious grounds.

我们反对宗教隔离。

5. discrimination ［dis?krimi'nei??n ］n ~ (against/in favor of) 歧视/偏袒This is a clear case of discrimination against foreign imports.

这显然是对进口货的排斥。

6. languish ［'l??ɡwi? ］v 失去活力

Since the war the industry has gradually languished.

开战以来，这一工业的生产每况愈下。

7. architect ［'ɑ:kitekt ］n 建筑师，设计师

He is the chief architect for the new theatre.

他是这座新剧院的总设计师。

8. obligation ［??bli'ɡei??n ］n （法律﹑道义﹑承诺等的）义务，责任To pay taxes is an obligation.

纳税是一种义务。

9. democracy ［di'm?kr?si ］n 民主，民主制度

Is there more democracy in Australia than in Britain?

澳大利亚比英国更民主吗？

10. legitimate ［li'?itimit ］adj 法定的，合法的I'm not sure that his business is strictly legitimate.

很难说他的生意是否绝对合法。

11. equality ［i:'kw?liti ］n 平等

Women are still struggling for true equality with men.

女性仍在争取与男性的真正平等。

12. revolt ［ri'v?ult ］n 叛乱，反抗

The army has put down the revolt.

军队镇压了叛乱。

13. dignity ［'diɡniti ］n 高尚的品质，尊严

Only a truly free person has human dignity.

只有真正自由的人才具有人的尊严。

14. discipline ［'disiplin ］n 纪律，风纪

The soldiers showed perfect discipline under fire.

士兵在枪林弹雨中严守军纪。

15. inextricably ［in'ekstrik?bli ］adv 无法分开的Her career was inextricably linked with his.

她的事业和他的事业紧密联系在一起。

16. pledge ［ple? ］n 誓言，保证

He gave a pledge never to reveal the secret.

他保证绝不泄密。

17. brutality ［bru:'t?liti ］n 野蛮的行为

The brutalities of war are unacceptable.

战争的暴行是不可原谅的。

18. persecution ［?p?:si'kju:??n ］n 迫害，骚扰They suffered persecution for their beliefs.

他们因信仰问题受到迫害。

19. creed ［kri:d ］n 信条，教义（尤指宗教信仰）What is your political creed?

你的政治信仰如何？

Language Guide

The Emancipation Proclamation

《解放奴隶宣言》

美国总统亚伯拉罕·林肯（Abraham Lincoln，1809—1865）公布的宣言，规定从1863年1月1日起废除叛乱诸州的奴隶制，此宣言立即解放了少部分奴隶，但实质上强化了联邦军的权威性，并为最终废除全美奴隶制度预先铺路。

The Constitution and the Declaration of Independence《独立宣言》

美国《独立宣言》是北美洲十三个英属殖民地宣告脱离大不列颠王国，并宣告独立的纲领性文件。1776年7月4日，此宣言由第二次大陆会议在费城批准。7月4日从此以后成为美国独立纪念日。《独立宣言》的原件由大陆会议出席代表共同签署，并永久展示于美国华盛顿特区美国国家档案馆。宣言为美国最重要的立国文书之一。

Grammar Master

在表示只要、如果（on condition that, provided that或if only）的含义时，经常会用到aslong as或so long as。

例　You can go out, as / so long as you promise to be back before 11 o'clock.

你可以出去，只要你答应在11点以前回来。

例　I'll accept any job as / so long as I don't have to get up early.

只要不必早起，任何工作我都可以接受。

有时由as / so long as引导的状语从句可以不依附主句而单独使用，用来表示说话人的希望、愿望或遗憾的心情等。

例　It's said it's going to turn colder and freeze later on.

听说过些时候天气会更冷，会有霜冻。

例　As long as it doesn't spoil the weekend.

(= I hope that it doesn't spoil the weekend.)只要不把周末弄糟了就没事。

在用as / so long as连接的从句中，当谓语为be，而主语和主句的主语相同时，则从句的主语和be可以省略。

例　I'm sure we are safe as long as (we are) in his care.

我深信只要在他的保护下，我们就会平安无事。