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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
By Gary Thomas
Washington
10 January 2006
Samuel Alito
One key issue dominating the hearings on the nomination1 of Judge Samuel Alito to the U.S. Supreme2 Court is the scope of presidential power. The issue has been around since the founding of the United States. The terrorist threat has caused it to be raised again.
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The scope of presidential power has proved to be one of the most vexing3 issues running through American history.
Presidential scholars say the issue becomes especially acute in times of war or crisis.
The wording of the U.S. Constitution simply grants the president unspecified "executive powers" and makes him commander in chief of military forces. The powers of Congress are spelled out in more detail than those of the president. As a result, Congress and the president have often clashed over just how much power a president can exercise.
Since September 11th, 2001, President Bush has compared the war on terror to the more traditional forms of nation-to-nation warfare4. He has said this gives him wartime powers and the latitude5 to order the detention6 of terrorism suspects indefinitely and to conduct electronic surveillance, without court warrants, on U.S. citizens suspected of links to terrorism.
President Bush has said that the constitution, as well as the Congressional authorization7 to use force against terrorism, grants him the inherent power for actions like the warrantless surveillance.
"Do I have the legal authority to do this? And the answer is, absolutely," said Mr. Bush. "As I mentioned in my remarks, the legal authority is derived8 from the Constitution, as well as the authorization of force by the United States Congress."
But a new memorandum9 issued Thursday by the non-partisan Congressional Research Service disagrees, saying the administration's legal justification11 for the warrantless surveillance is not so clear-cut as the administration claims.
This sort of dispute is why the Alito Supreme Court nomination hearing has focused so intently on presidential powers. Democratic Senator Patrick Leahy of Vermont made his concern about the issue clear on the opening day.
"At a time when this administration seems intent on accumulating unchecked power, Judge Alito's views on executive power are especially important," said Mr. Leahy. "It's important to know if he would serve with judicial12 independence or as a surrogate for the President nominating him."
Andrew Rudalevige, a professor of political science at Dickenson College and presidential scholar, says the current claims of executive power are rooted in Vice10 President Dick Cheney's experience in earlier presidential administrations, when Congress moved to limit the chief executive's prerogatives13.
"Well, certainly after 9/11 you have a very aggressive claim to unilateral and exclusive executive power by the president," he said. "Actually, the vice president perhaps has been the most vocal14 about this. He was a staffer in the Nixon and Ford15 administrations when Congress really was surging ahead and seems to hold a 30-year grudge16 against the legislative17 body."
The Vietnam war, the Watergate scandal, and revelations of domestic spying on American citizens caused Congress in the 1970s to pass laws limiting executive authority. Among them was the War Powers Act, which sought to curb18 the president's authority to wage war without congressional approval.
David Adler, a presidential scholar at Idaho State University, says those attempts to limit presidential powers had little practical effect.
"Well, there were efforts by Congress in the aftermath of the Vietnam war to reassert its power," he noted19. "Unfortunately, those legislative efforts amounted to little more than toy handcuffs because in the example of the War Powers Resolution of 1973, Congress did not in fact reclaim20 its control over war power, which in fact the constitution vests in Congress, but Congress ended up giving the president more authority than the president enjoys under the constitution."
Professor Rudalevige says presidents have worked around congressional limitations through administrative21 tools such as executive orders and regulations in the vast government bureaucracy. Scholars say President Reagan was able to recover much of the lost presidential power.
Benjamin Kleinerman, a presidential scholar at Virginia Military Institute, says that in recent years Congress has been reluctant to reassert itself and looks to courts, especially the Supreme Court, for help.
"It's decided22 best when it's, in a way, decided politically, with congress asserting its powers over and against the president, and the president reasserting his powers over and against Congress," he explained. "And these questions have tended to work themselves out politically. Congress now tends to look to the Supreme Court to check the president rather than doing it themselves. In other words, they're hoping that the court will curb the president's power."
In writings early in his career, Judge Alito took a permissive view of presidential powers in intelligence and security matters. But under questioning, he said no president or court is above the law.
1 nomination | |
n.提名,任命,提名权 | |
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2 supreme | |
adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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3 vexing | |
adj.使人烦恼的,使人恼火的v.使烦恼( vex的现在分词 );使苦恼;使生气;详细讨论 | |
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4 warfare | |
n.战争(状态);斗争;冲突 | |
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5 latitude | |
n.纬度,行动或言论的自由(范围),(pl.)地区 | |
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6 detention | |
n.滞留,停留;拘留,扣留;(教育)留下 | |
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7 authorization | |
n.授权,委任状 | |
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8 derived | |
vi.起源;由来;衍生;导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 );(从…中)得到获得;源于;(从…中)提取 | |
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9 memorandum | |
n.备忘录,便笺 | |
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10 vice | |
n.坏事;恶习;[pl.]台钳,老虎钳;adj.副的 | |
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11 justification | |
n.正当的理由;辩解的理由 | |
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12 judicial | |
adj.司法的,法庭的,审判的,明断的,公正的 | |
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13 prerogatives | |
n.权利( prerogative的名词复数 );特权;大主教法庭;总督委任组成的法庭 | |
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14 vocal | |
adj.直言不讳的;嗓音的;n.[pl.]声乐节目 | |
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15 Ford | |
n.浅滩,水浅可涉处;v.涉水,涉过 | |
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16 grudge | |
n.不满,怨恨,妒嫉;vt.勉强给,不情愿做 | |
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17 legislative | |
n.立法机构,立法权;adj.立法的,有立法权的 | |
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18 curb | |
n.场外证券市场,场外交易;vt.制止,抑制 | |
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19 noted | |
adj.著名的,知名的 | |
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20 reclaim | |
v.要求归还,收回;开垦 | |
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21 administrative | |
adj.行政的,管理的 | |
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22 decided | |
adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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