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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
By Nico Colombant
Abidjan
08 March 2006
watch African Youth report
In many parts of West Africa, as in much of the developing world, the youth population is growing fast, accounting1 for nearly 40 percent of the total. But these young people face dismal2 job prospects3 even in countries that are rich with natural resources. Without a secure livelihood4, the youth have become easy recruits for insurgencies in West Africa.
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At dusk, near Abidjan's international airport, pro-presidential militia members flex6 their muscles and jog around the Akwaba or "Welcome" statue of Ivory Coast.
They are known locally as the GPP - Group for Patriotism7 and Peace.
Sitting at a lagoon-side café, their leader, Moussa Toure Zeguen, explains the reason for their existence.
"We are fighting as Ivorians, as somebody who is conscious of what our country, what our continent is in," he said. "So what we are doing since our young years, in school, or at university is to contribute to democracy in our country for fairness, for justice. I believe that anybody who is aware of the situation has to do something."
GPP member
For the GPP, that includes fighting what they view as foreign-backed rebels, as well as intimidating8 immigrants in the government-run south.
Ivory Coast has been divided in two since a northern rebel insurgency9 began in late 2002 against elected President Laurent Gbagbo. Forces from the former colonial power, France, were called in to prevent more fighting, but their deployment10 along a cease-fire line effectively divided the country in two.
Successive peace deals have not been implemented11, with rebels refusing to disarm12 until they are given assurances more northerners are given the right to become Ivorian and vote. Many northerners are the descendants of Muslim immigrants from outlying countries who came to work in Ivory Coast's lush cocoa fields, and now live in limbo13 without any national identity.
Across the U.N.-patrolled front line of the conflict, in the northwestern rebel city of Man, the chants and jogging style of fighters here are nearly identical to those heard in the south of the country.
Las Com
One of their leaders, known as Las-Com, explains why he left his studies and girlfriend in Abidjan to fight with the northern-based rebels.
"I decided14 because some situation appeared to me, because I'm from the north," he explained. "Regarding my name, Mara Lassine, a policeman will tell me at a checkpoint in Abidjan, 'Mara Lassine, he's not an Ivorian, where are you coming from? No.' That's why when some people are fighting to give legal rights to everybody, I say they are okay. I prefer letting down my life, letting down my mother, let everything, to join those people, to fight for justice, liberty and equality."
Access to resources, definitions of nationality in relatively15 new countries, ethnically16 based profiling, changing rules about who can run for office, these are problems ripping apart communities across West Africa and pushing educated youth here into rebellion and the bush.
The conflict in Ivory Coast also coincided with the first generation of a widely educated and urbanized youth, who left rural areas but found little formal employment in cities.
Mara says he is sacrificing for the next generation.
"Today, you do some war, you do your fighting, for the children," he said. "Today, we have some problems, education for our children, we have some social, humanitarian17 problems. We have some social problems. You will see that in the city. We need to go to peace. But before going to peace, you need to have some solution to problems, reasons why we take weapons. That's very important."
Northern rebels want right to vote
For him, that means getting voting cards for many northerners now considered foreigners. But for supporters of President Laurent Gbagbo, that would mean Mr. Gbagbo would lose in the next election, and that his efforts for true independence from the former colonial power France, would be lost.
"We must fight. We are the freedom fighters," said one speaker. "We are the Young Patriots18. Our fight, our wrestling is to free Africa."
Speaker after speaker spurs on a lively lunch crowd in downtown Abidjan at this public place known as La Sorbonne.
One of the organizers, Olivier Greto Zoue, blames the French for Ivory Coast's problems.
He says he believes the civil war started because, "France can smell oil in Ivorian waters and they want someone they can control in the presidency19." He says that's how it is with civil wars in Africa.
Opposition20 protests in Abidjan face crackdowns
Zoue is part of the Young Patriots, a group of both armed and unarmed civilians21 who take to the streets whenever Mr. Gbagbo's power seems under threat. United Nations peacekeepers killed several of them recently in the city of Guiglo, after they stormed a U.N. base.
Their leaders, including Charles Ble Goude, get tens of thousands of dollars and cars from the presidency. When protests take place, participants can expect $10 every day, free tee-shirts, plus food and drinks, served by so-called lady patriots.
Recent Ivorian newspaper reports allege22 cocoa cooperatives paid about $15,000 to help fund anti-U.N. protests in January, something their officials have denied.
Rebel supporters have their own heated political gatherings23 in immigrant neighborhoods of Abidjan. These are called "grain". Tea is served and discussions center around their own protest actions.
Their protests usually face harsh repression24 from security forces, unlike those of the Young Patriots, which are encouraged.
All these groups usually split into competing factions25, with everyone trying to get their hands on money from party leaders and government ministers, who send them out on the streets or in the bush when they need them.
But Jeff Agba says this is nonsense. He was previously26 a pro-presidential GPP militia leader. He was kicked out after saying youth should no longer be cannon27 fodder28 for greedy politicians.
"The youngest, now, all they need is development, good health," he said. "They need education and they don't understand politics, they don't need politics. But what I'm seeing in the new movements, the new generation needs politics to understand their life. No! They need education without politics because politics is not an education, it's a game. It's lying to people to be [greedy]. So we don't need that. They need peace, freedom and to have a job, yes, more jobs, to be happy, that's all we need."
Agba has traded in his militia fatigues29 for a suit and tie, and now uses his education to be a micro-credit lender at a local bank, rather than a political youth leader setting tires on fire. He says he hopes he can start a new pattern, to break the cycle of violence to which so many frustrated youth of Africa fall victim
1 accounting | |
n.会计,会计学,借贷对照表 | |
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2 dismal | |
adj.阴沉的,凄凉的,令人忧郁的,差劲的 | |
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3 prospects | |
n.希望,前途(恒为复数) | |
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4 livelihood | |
n.生计,谋生之道 | |
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5 militia | |
n.民兵,民兵组织 | |
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6 flex | |
n.皮线,花线;vt.弯曲或伸展 | |
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7 patriotism | |
n.爱国精神,爱国心,爱国主义 | |
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8 intimidating | |
vt.恐吓,威胁( intimidate的现在分词) | |
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9 insurgency | |
n.起义;暴动;叛变 | |
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10 deployment | |
n. 部署,展开 | |
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11 implemented | |
v.实现( implement的过去式和过去分词 );执行;贯彻;使生效 | |
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12 disarm | |
v.解除武装,回复平常的编制,缓和 | |
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13 limbo | |
n.地狱的边缘;监狱 | |
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14 decided | |
adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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15 relatively | |
adv.比较...地,相对地 | |
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16 ethnically | |
adv.人种上,民族上 | |
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17 humanitarian | |
n.人道主义者,博爱者,基督凡人论者 | |
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18 patriots | |
爱国者,爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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19 presidency | |
n.总统(校长,总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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20 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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21 civilians | |
平民,百姓( civilian的名词复数 ); 老百姓 | |
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22 allege | |
vt.宣称,申述,主张,断言 | |
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23 gatherings | |
聚集( gathering的名词复数 ); 收集; 采集; 搜集 | |
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24 repression | |
n.镇压,抑制,抑压 | |
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25 factions | |
组织中的小派别,派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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26 previously | |
adv.以前,先前(地) | |
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27 cannon | |
n.大炮,火炮;飞机上的机关炮 | |
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28 fodder | |
n.草料;炮灰 | |
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29 fatigues | |
n.疲劳( fatigue的名词复数 );杂役;厌倦;(士兵穿的)工作服 | |
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