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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
By Gary Thomas
Washington
08 March 2007
Representatives of Iraq's neighboring countries, the five permanent members of the U.N. Security Council, and Arab and Muslim nations are all scheduled to meet in Baghdad this Saturday, March 10 to seek some kind of regional consensus2 that will end the violence in Iraq. But, as VOA correspondent Gary Thomas reports, analysts4 see the conference as a first step and do not expect any major breakthroughs.
Smoke billows from the site of a car bomb attack engulfing5 Bab al-Moazam Mosque6 in Baghdad, 5 Mar1 2007
Although the talks are about Iraq, the spotlight7 of the multilateral conference will be on the interaction between the representatives of the United States and Iran.
U.S.-Iranian relations have been non-existent since 1979, although both countries did cooperate in the 2001 Bonn Conference on Afghanistan. The mutual8 hostility9 between Tehran and Washington has gotten even more heated as of late, as the Bush administration accuses Iran of arming insurgents10 in Iraq, and Iran continues to defy international demands to halt uranium enrichment.
George Bush, 2 Mar 2007
Yet, in what most analysts label a policy change, President Bush now says the U.S. will sit down at the same table with Iran, as well as Syria, to discuss Iraq.
"They [the talks] will be a test of whether Iran and Syria are truly interested in being constructive11 forces in Iraq," he said. "It will be a test for the international community to express its support for this young democracy, to support a nation that will be at peace with its neighbors. Diplomacy12 is going to play an important part of securing Iraq's future."
George Friedman, chief executive officer of the private intelligence firm Stratfor, says the U.S. had no choice but to engage Iran because Washington and Tehran are in a stalemate over Iraq.
"Neither can have what they want," he said. "The United States is not going to get a pro-American government in Baghdad governing all the country. Iran is not going to get a pro-Iranian government in Baghdad governing all the country. Each side can block the other's ambitions, but neither side has to give in to give the other what they want. And what we're now doing is trying to do is find an accommodation that both sides can live with."
Wayne White, former chief State Department intelligence analyst3 on Iraq, is not optimistic that much of substance will emerge from the conference. Echoing the findings of a recent U.S. National Intelligence Estimate, he says the root cause of the violence lies in Iraq, not Iran.
"My reasoning about why I don't think it's going to do much is I don't think Iran is the problem," he said. "I think the cycle of violence in Iraq is the problem. And so since the problem is 95 percent Iraqi, and the Iraqi government is a shambles14, I don't expect these kinds of conferences to have much effect."
Mehrzad Boroujerdi, chairman of Middle East Studies at Syracuse University, says the U.S. will have to overcome Iranian and Syrian suspicion and mistrust of the United States. He says Washington will also have to offer some substantive15 concessions16 to Tehran and Damascus to get meaningful results out of the conference, but sees no sign that the Bush administration is willing to do so.
"The Iranians and the Syrians are going to be a bit apprehensive17 about signing on the dotted line on a plan that is to the liking18 of the United States without necessarily getting something in return, or an acknowledgement of the fact that they are going to have a say in the future of Iraq," noted19 Boroujerdi. "And frankly20, I don't see the White House at this point being in the mood or ready to make such a compromise. So, at the end of the day, the question becomes, what besides a 'blaming game' would we get from this conference?"
Analysts also point out that the interaction between Iran and Saudi Arabia will be crucial to watch at the conference. Saudi Arabia, an Arab nation of Sunni Muslims, has long been a rival to Iran, which is Persian and overwhelmingly Shiite Muslim. Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad visited Riyadh one week before the Baghdad Conference for talks with King Abdullah.
Mehrzad Boroujerdi says Iran is warning Saudi Arabia not to oppose Iran's attempts to extend its influence in Iraq and the region.
"To me it has become quite clear that the U.S. is trying to convince the Saudis to side with them, to sort of create a Sunni bloc13 against the Shiite influence coming out of Iran," he said. "And I think the Iranians have also recognized the handwriting on the wall, and they are trying to do their part by having Ahmadinejad going to Saudi Arabia to politely and firmly let them know that this is going to have high costs for states that line up against Iran."
Meanwhile, the United States continues to proceed with its deployment21 of at least 22,000 additional troops to Iraq to try to stabilize22 the security situation.
1 mar | |
vt.破坏,毁坏,弄糟 | |
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2 consensus | |
n.(意见等的)一致,一致同意,共识 | |
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3 analyst | |
n.分析家,化验员;心理分析学家 | |
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4 analysts | |
分析家,化验员( analyst的名词复数 ) | |
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5 engulfing | |
adj.吞噬的v.吞没,包住( engulf的现在分词 ) | |
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6 mosque | |
n.清真寺 | |
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7 spotlight | |
n.公众注意的中心,聚光灯,探照灯,视听,注意,醒目 | |
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8 mutual | |
adj.相互的,彼此的;共同的,共有的 | |
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9 hostility | |
n.敌对,敌意;抵制[pl.]交战,战争 | |
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10 insurgents | |
n.起义,暴动,造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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11 constructive | |
adj.建设的,建设性的 | |
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12 diplomacy | |
n.外交;外交手腕,交际手腕 | |
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13 bloc | |
n.集团;联盟 | |
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14 shambles | |
n.混乱之处;废墟 | |
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15 substantive | |
adj.表示实在的;本质的、实质性的;独立的;n.实词,实名词;独立存在的实体 | |
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16 concessions | |
n.(尤指由政府或雇主给予的)特许权( concession的名词复数 );承认;减价;(在某地的)特许经营权 | |
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17 apprehensive | |
adj.担心的,恐惧的,善于领会的 | |
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18 liking | |
n.爱好;嗜好;喜欢 | |
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19 noted | |
adj.著名的,知名的 | |
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20 frankly | |
adv.坦白地,直率地;坦率地说 | |
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21 deployment | |
n. 部署,展开 | |
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22 stabilize | |
vt.(使)稳定,使稳固,使稳定平衡;vi.稳定 | |
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