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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
By Peter Fedynsky
Moscow
06 November 2009
Berliners sing and dance on top of the Berlin Wall to celebrate the opening of East-West German borders, 10 Nov 1989
Since the collapse1 of the Berlin Wall 20 years ago, many former communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe have distanced themselves from Russia with a series of military, political and economic reforms. But Russia itself is still struggling to lead an effective military alliance, to modernize2 its resource-driven economy, and to liberalize its authoritarian3 political system.
The collapse of the Berlin Wall on November 9, 1989 signaled not only the end of communism in Europe, but also of Moscow's control of the former Eastern Bloc4. Several nations in the region have since entered the European Union and traded their membership in the Soviet5-led Warsaw Pact6 for NATO. Independent Russian military analyst7 Alexander Konovalov says new NATO members sought protection against Moscow.
Konovalov says the Soviet Union imposed its political will many times, and although they would never openly admit it, the main reason those countries joined NATO is historic fear of Russia and the Soviet Union as powers that could impose something they do not want.
Russia has sought to organize a new defense8 alliance, the Collective Security Treaty Organization, which includes five other former Soviet republics. But in moves widely seen as snubs against Moscow, Belarus boycotted9 an alliance summit in June and Uzbekistan has refused to sign a key agreement on a rapid reaction force. Konovalov says Russia has also lost the initiative in another security group, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, or SCO.
Konovalov says many countries are seeking to join the SCO and they are currently being granted observer status, but the organization is not successful because it was organized by Russia, but because China is a member. He notes that SCO is an Asian, not Soviet organization.
Konovalov says the collapse of the Berlin Wall exposed Russia to market forces and revealed that its Soviet-era command economy was not competitive. Today, Russian leaders frequently talk about economic diversification10, but the country continues to import the majority of its finished products and to export mostly oil, gas and other natural resources. This makes Russia heavily dependent on global price fluctuations11. The RIA Novosti News Agency quotes Finance Minister Alexei Kudrin as saying the value of Russian exports would drop by $190 billion this year due to reduced worldwide demand.
The President of Moscow's New Eurasia Foundation, Andrei Kortunov, says the abundance of natural resources in Russia means there is little incentive12 for economic reforms. He says Russia also lacks another incentive that provided a big boost to former Soviet satellite countries.
"They wanted to join the European Union, and that was the key factor that defined their economic transformation13 policies," said Kortunov. "Russia doesn't have such incentive. Russia is not likely to join the European Union anytime soon. Therefore, there is no supergoal that Russia might pursue."
Kortunov says the Soviet-era social contract between ordinary Russians and the state continues by inertia14. That contract, he says, presumes many ordinary Russians still expect the state to be responsible for their well-being15.
"Under Mr. Putin, we had a restoration of the old social contract," he said. "On the one hand, the state provides citizens with growing real incomes, and at the same time, citizens - the population - are ready to provide their political loyalty16 to the state."
This inertia, says Kortunov, prevents many Russians from seeing the connection between their economic interests and the liberty to pursue them on their own.
Masha Lipman at the Moscow Carnegie Center agrees, but notes Russia has made considerable progress since the demise17 of the Soviet Union.
"The freedom of travel, there is a freedom to engage in entrepreneurship - if we compare this to the USSR, where private property and drawing profits were a crime," said Lipman. "This is a huge, huge difference, and for many people this opens new avenues to fulfill18 themselves. Not without limitations, not without reservations, but still a huge difference."
Lipman says some older Russians have nostalgia19 for the superpower status they enjoyed under the Soviet Union. As for the young, she says they have difficulty imagining the constraints20 of life in the totalitarian Soviet police state.
"It is indeed very hard to imagine, unless you lived in those days, how your very natural things were denied to you, like playing the music that you like, dress the way you like, enjoy yourself the way you like as a young person," she said.
Lipman says Russia today is a country in search of an identity; an identity that collapsed21 along with the Berlin Wall. She adds that many Russians have mixed feelings about that historic day, which Eastern Europeans used to revive their status as independent nations. Russians, however, appear torn between their Soviet and Czarist past; between communism and capitalism22, and also between authoritarian and democratic rule.
1 collapse | |
vi.累倒;昏倒;倒塌;塌陷 | |
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2 modernize | |
vt.使现代化,使适应现代的需要 | |
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3 authoritarian | |
n./adj.专制(的),专制主义者,独裁主义者 | |
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4 bloc | |
n.集团;联盟 | |
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5 Soviet | |
adj.苏联的,苏维埃的;n.苏维埃 | |
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6 pact | |
n.合同,条约,公约,协定 | |
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7 analyst | |
n.分析家,化验员;心理分析学家 | |
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8 defense | |
n.防御,保卫;[pl.]防务工事;辩护,答辩 | |
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9 boycotted | |
抵制,拒绝参加( boycott的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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10 diversification | |
n.变化,多样化;多种经营 | |
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11 fluctuations | |
波动,涨落,起伏( fluctuation的名词复数 ) | |
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12 incentive | |
n.刺激;动力;鼓励;诱因;动机 | |
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13 transformation | |
n.变化;改造;转变 | |
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14 inertia | |
adj.惰性,惯性,懒惰,迟钝 | |
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15 well-being | |
n.安康,安乐,幸福 | |
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16 loyalty | |
n.忠诚,忠心 | |
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17 demise | |
n.死亡;v.让渡,遗赠,转让 | |
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18 fulfill | |
vt.履行,实现,完成;满足,使满意 | |
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19 nostalgia | |
n.怀乡病,留恋过去,怀旧 | |
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20 constraints | |
强制( constraint的名词复数 ); 限制; 约束 | |
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21 collapsed | |
adj.倒塌的 | |
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22 capitalism | |
n.资本主义 | |
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