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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
The street protests in Iran have faded in the face of the government's security crackdown. But the political squabbles and bickering1 continue. Internal feuds2 that were once kept behind closed doors have erupted into the open, providing a rare glimpse of political tensions in the Islamic Republic.
Suzanne Maloney of the Saban Center for Middle East Policy told a recent congressional hearing that the level of squabbling among Iran's political heavyweights is unprecedented3.
Iranian supreme4 leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, 06 Jul 2009
"The other profound consequence for the Iranian regime ... is the cleavage within the political elite5. There is always been factional bickering within Iran, but we have never seen anything at this level, and we have never seen the direct assault on the authority of the office of the supreme leader," she said.
When President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was ordered by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei to drop his choice of Rahim Esfandiar Mashaei to be first vice-president, he initially6 refused.
Mashaei is controversial in Iranian conservative political circles for favorable comments he once made about the Israeli people. Mr. Ahmadinejad subsequently gave in to the Supreme Leader's demand after conservatives called on him to do so. But in an apparent show of defiance7, he then appointed Mashaei his chief of staff. Commentators9 have pointed8 out that Mashaei's daughter is married to the president's son.
Rahim Mashaei (File)
Then on Sunday, with his re-inauguration on the horizon, he fired his hardline intelligence minister and the culture minister resigned. No official reasons were given for the moves. But, according to the English-language Tehran Times, both men had strongly objected to the Mashaei vice-presidential appointment.
On Sunday, Mr. Ahmadinejad also appointed Ali Kordan as special inspector10. Kordan resigned as interior minister last year after it emerged that his claim of an Oxford11 University law degree was false. Kordan's new job is to investigate fraud and corruption12 in government.
Analysts14 say the president is also facing internal pressure from reformists as well as conservatives. Middle East analyst13 Reva Bhalla of the private intelligence firm Stratfor says former president Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani - who is one of President Ahmadinejad's chief political rivals - is trying to limit the president's ability to politically maneuver15 in office.
Iranian influential16 cleric and former president Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani delivers his sermon during Friday prayers at Tehran University in the Iranian capital, 17 Jul 2009
"Rafsanjani is making clear that they have boundaries set on how far he [Ahmadinejad] is going to go, and that the Supreme Leader should respect those boundaries. And so that is what we need to see moving forward - how far is Ahmadinejad going to be able to go," said Bhalla.
Stanford University director of Iranian Studies Abbas Milani says the opposition17 itself is split.
"I think the opposition, in my mind, is divided in two groups. Some, like Rafsanjani, are more moderate. Rafsanjani, I think, wants a more refined version of the status quo. Mousavi and the rest of them, although they have not articulated, I think want a return, some of them have implicitly18 said they want a return, to the first draft of the constitution," said Milani.
That first draft of the 1979 constitution did not confer any special role to the clergy19 or contain any reference to velayat-e faqih, the concept under which final state authority rests with one religious leader.
The balance of power could rest in the hands of the powerful Iran Revolutionary Guard Corps20. The Revolutionary Guard was created in 1979 because the leader Ayatollah Khomenei did not trust the military. It is a parallel force, separate from the regular military with its own ground, sea, and air units. It has also has internal security functions, it controls the Basij militia21, and has built up considerable economic power as well. President Ahmadinejad is a Revolutionary Guard veteran.
Iranian Revolutionary Guards members march during a parade ceremony outside Tehran (file photo)
Iran analyst Karim Sadjapour of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace told a congressional hearing the president's and supreme leader's real worries would be if cracks start appearing the Revolutionary Guard.
"What would truly be devastating22 for Khamenei and Ahmadinejad would be fissures23 among the regime's security forces, mainly the Revolutionary Guards. So far, we have not seen that, but the Revolutionary Guards are a very large entity24, 120,000 men," he said. "And whereas the senior commanders are hand-picked by Khamenei and they are going to likely remain loyal to him, the rank-and-file, both empirically and anecdotally, we have seen, are much more representative of Iranian society at large," he added.
President Ahmadinejad is due to be sworn in for his new term August 5.
1 bickering | |
v.争吵( bicker的现在分词 );口角;(水等)作潺潺声;闪烁 | |
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2 feuds | |
n.长期不和,世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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3 unprecedented | |
adj.无前例的,新奇的 | |
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4 supreme | |
adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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5 elite | |
n.精英阶层;实力集团;adj.杰出的,卓越的 | |
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6 initially | |
adv.最初,开始 | |
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7 defiance | |
n.挑战,挑衅,蔑视,违抗 | |
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8 pointed | |
adj.尖的,直截了当的 | |
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9 commentators | |
n.评论员( commentator的名词复数 );时事评论员;注释者;实况广播员 | |
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10 inspector | |
n.检查员,监察员,视察员 | |
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11 Oxford | |
n.牛津(英国城市) | |
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12 corruption | |
n.腐败,堕落,贪污 | |
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13 analyst | |
n.分析家,化验员;心理分析学家 | |
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14 analysts | |
分析家,化验员( analyst的名词复数 ) | |
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15 maneuver | |
n.策略[pl.]演习;v.(巧妙)控制;用策略 | |
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16 influential | |
adj.有影响的,有权势的 | |
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17 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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18 implicitly | |
adv. 含蓄地, 暗中地, 毫不保留地 | |
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19 clergy | |
n.[总称]牧师,神职人员 | |
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20 corps | |
n.(通信等兵种的)部队;(同类作的)一组 | |
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21 militia | |
n.民兵,民兵组织 | |
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22 devastating | |
adj.毁灭性的,令人震惊的,强有力的 | |
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23 fissures | |
n.狭长裂缝或裂隙( fissure的名词复数 );裂伤;分歧;分裂v.裂开( fissure的第三人称单数 ) | |
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24 entity | |
n.实体,独立存在体,实际存在物 | |
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