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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
Split Tribal1 Allegiances Deepen Yemen's Crisis
As battles in Yemen raged Thursday, the deadly fighting in the streets of the capital between forces loyal to President Ali Abdullah Saleh and members his own tribe highlights some deeply personal faultlines in the crisis.
One of President Saleh's most steadfast2 allies in a nation of notoriously loose allegiances was the late Sheikh Abdullah al-Ahmar. Before they were political allies, they were friends and as al-Ahmar grew up to head the Hashid tribal federation3, Yemen's most powerful, the partnership4 only strengthened.
But Mustafa Alani, a director at the Gulf5 Research Center, notes that, critically, the alliance was not passed down to the sheikh's ten sons.
"All the sons of the sheikh are standing6 against Ali Abdullah Saleh, and this is very important, because Ali Abdullah Saleh is part of the al-Ahmar family," said Alani. "He's from one of the branches from Sanhan, which belongs to the al-Ahmar family. So, we're talking about a major tribal conflict - a major family conflict."
It's a family spat7 playing out very publicly and at a very volatile8 time. While tribal allegiances dominate, Yemen is also seeing political protests, part of the Arab Spring, as well as military discontent and growing Islamist ambitions.
Tom Finn, a journalist in Sana'a, describes the part of that mix that's roiling9 the capital.
"The opposition10 to President Saleh is huge in Yemen, but it's also hugely divided," said Finn. "The tribes, like the Hashid, have their own grievances11 against the government which go back a long way, long before any of this unrest started. But the fact that they're fighting in the capital and the fact that this fighting is taking place just a few miles away from Change Square, which is where all these thousands of protesters are camping out, definitely is symbolic12."
The fighting between this generation of the al-Ahmar family has left parts of Sana'a devastated13, with government troops battling members of the Al-Ahmar clan14 holed up in what Finn describes as their gothic-style mansion15 in the east of the city.
Dubai-based analyst16 Alani says the real problem does not lie with the eldest17 al-Ahmar brother, Sadeq, the new sheikh and head of the Hashid tribe.
"Sadeq has no political ambition. He is a king maker18; he's not a king. But with the third son, Hamid, he basically tried to block any succession process and he put a lot of effort to prevent Ali Abdullah Saleh to pass power to his son, because he thinks he is better qualified19 than the son of the president," said Alani.
A powerful businessman, Hamid al-Ahmar has influence in a variety of key sectors20, including satellite communications. Ignoring his family's own stake in tribal lines of succession, he, like the opposition in Libya and Egypt, objected to perceived attempts at hereditary21 rule.
Saleh tried to placate22 his opponents shortly after the protests began in February, vowing23 his son would not seek the presidency24, nor would he run for re-election.
It was not enough. The situation only grew worse when the president three times rejected a regionally-brokered deal to step down sooner.
So far, the tribal fighting has been contained mainly to close loyalists of the al-Ahmar family, and not spread to the wider Hashid federation. The Gulf Research Center's Alani.
"We have to remember that the Hashid is not really throwing all its power against the regime now," he said. "We are witnessing, yes, clashes here and there, but the Hashid has not mobilized all its military muscle. And the reason why is they are not sure. The Hashid is split and now we are talking about a few hundred fighters. But it could go to a few thousand."
Alani says Saleh still holds sway over some Hashid members, while others have renounced25 their allegiance to the president but so far have not taken up arms.
Journalist Finn says the latter are weighing their options.
"Certainly there are contenders within that tribe who would be involved in the next government in Yemen, whether it would be indirectly26, by funding as they are at the moment funding the opposition, or by stepping up and taking governmental positions. There's still fragmented opposition in Yemen, but massively growing frustration27 from all groups with the president," said Finn.
It's a frustration that threatens to tear apart one of the last seams holding Yemen together.
1 tribal | |
adj.部族的,种族的 | |
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2 steadfast | |
adj.固定的,不变的,不动摇的;忠实的;坚贞不移的 | |
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3 federation | |
n.同盟,联邦,联合,联盟,联合会 | |
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4 partnership | |
n.合作关系,伙伴关系 | |
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5 gulf | |
n.海湾;深渊,鸿沟;分歧,隔阂 | |
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6 standing | |
n.持续,地位;adj.永久的,不动的,直立的,不流动的 | |
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7 spat | |
n.口角,掌击;v.发出呼噜呼噜声 | |
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8 volatile | |
adj.反复无常的,挥发性的,稍纵即逝的,脾气火爆的;n.挥发性物质 | |
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9 roiling | |
v.搅混(液体)( roil的现在分词 );使烦恼;使不安;使生气 | |
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10 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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11 grievances | |
n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 );苦衷;不满;牢骚 | |
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12 symbolic | |
adj.象征性的,符号的,象征主义的 | |
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13 devastated | |
v.彻底破坏( devastate的过去式和过去分词);摧毁;毁灭;在感情上(精神上、财务上等)压垮adj.毁坏的;极为震惊的 | |
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14 clan | |
n.氏族,部落,宗族,家族,宗派 | |
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15 mansion | |
n.大厦,大楼;宅第 | |
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16 analyst | |
n.分析家,化验员;心理分析学家 | |
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17 eldest | |
adj.最年长的,最年老的 | |
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18 maker | |
n.制造者,制造商 | |
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19 qualified | |
adj.合格的,有资格的,胜任的,有限制的 | |
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20 sectors | |
n.部门( sector的名词复数 );领域;防御地区;扇形 | |
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21 hereditary | |
adj.遗传的,遗传性的,可继承的,世袭的 | |
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22 placate | |
v.抚慰,平息(愤怒) | |
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23 vowing | |
起誓,发誓(vow的现在分词形式) | |
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24 presidency | |
n.总统(校长,总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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25 renounced | |
v.声明放弃( renounce的过去式和过去分词 );宣布放弃;宣布与…决裂;宣布摒弃 | |
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26 indirectly | |
adv.间接地,不直接了当地 | |
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27 frustration | |
n.挫折,失败,失效,落空 | |
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