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Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak during a meeting at the Presidential palace in Cairo, 06 Jul 2010
The Egyptian government is denying reports that President Hosni Mubarak's health is failing, pointing to his recent hosting of several regional leaders. But brief, televised appearances have done little to quell1 rumors3 that the 82-year-old president is sicker than the government says. The president's health and other events, including the death of a young man allegedly at the hands of police, have many Egyptians on edge.
A government spokesman this week tried to downplay a report in the Washington Times newspaper that Western intelligence agencies are tracking Mr. Mubarak's decline since surgery in Germany earlier this year. The government says the president is recovering from gall5 bladder disease, but the Times report, along with independent media reports in Egypt, suggest his illness is more grave.
"The health of the president is deteriorating," said Hassan Nafae, a political science professor at Cairo University. "There is no transparency. We do not know exactly, as the Egyptian people, we do not know about the health of the president, as if it is a top secret.
The lack of clarity takes on urgency as Mr. Mubarak, after nearly 30 years in power, has no designated successor. Added to that are presidential elections, set for next year, for which no one has declared their candidacy, leaving a robust6 rumor2 mill to fill the void.
Mistrust
AP
An activist7 carries a picture of slain8 Khaled Said during a protest in Cairo, 19 Jun 2010
As for the official statements that do come out, there is a general sense of mistrust. This skepticism was reinforced recently by the initial, confounding explanation of the death of Khaled Said. Authorities claimed the 28-year-old Alexandria businessman choked on a packet of marijuana during a routine search of an Internet cafe. Witnesses said Said was brutally10 beaten to death by undercover police - accounts that seem to be supported by photographs of the deceased. Only after weeks of protests and condemnation11 by international human rights groups did the government reconsider its initial version and announce that policemen will face trial.
Egyptian democracy activist Ahmed Salah says Said's case is not an exception. "Anyone visiting a police station may see a policeman beating somebody," he said. "The difference between the case of Khaled Said and the other cases is, it was very brutal9, it led to death and it was totally public. It did not happen in closed rooms, behind closed doors where even the other inmates12 are blindfolded13, as it happens usually. There were scores of eyewitnesses14."
'Despair and fear'
Egyptians have long feared the often-unchecked powers wielded15 by police. But Salah says Said's case serves as a potent16 reminder17 of the arbitrary nature of their own fate, while Mr. Mubarak's health leaves them uncertain about the fate of their government.
"The combination of this despair and fear has two phases," he said. "One is total surrender, because there is no hope: 'There is nothing that I can do.' And the other one, which is what we all fear of, could be the explosion, when there is nothing any longer to lose. So everybody could just go like crazy. And what we can see now is healthy venting18, let's say, attempts organized by many activists19 in order to try to get the people to vent4 off anguish20, channel their anger and fear in the right way.
What Salah calls healthy venting can be seen in protests of low wages and unemployment. But those rallies, as well as others prompted by Said's death, and the recent extension of the nation's emergency laws, have been relatively21 small, often no more than several hundred people in this, the Arab world's most populace nation.
"The history of Egypt is a history of a central government, strong institutions that do not allow any room for mass movement, mass revolution, mass demonstrations22 that we have seen in other countries - in East Europe or other places," said Said Sadek, a professor of sociology at the American University in Cairo. "So most likely what you will get is a continuation of the same regime with different faces; the military and the intelligence complex will continue to exert the same pressure.
Short of expectations
Mr. Mubarak's government made a move toward greater democratic participation23 in the last presidential vote in 2005. But international observers say the introduction of multi-party elections fell far short of expectations and have noted24 no real progress in the intervening years. One of the strongest opposition25 forces, the moderate Muslim Brotherhood26, has been marginalized politically. A more likely contender appears to be the president's son, Gamal Mubarak, but powerful behind-the-scene forces, including intelligence chief Omar Suleiman and lawmaker and government insider Safwat el-Sherif, are also expected to play a role.
Cairo University's Hassan Nafae says no matter who runs, the issue of continuity and security will likely dominate. "I think you might have different centers of power in Egypt," he said. "I think Gamal Mubarak is playing a crucial role, but also Omar Suleiman on one hand, and Safwat el-Sherif on the other hand. The military is watching. But you cannot say this is going on according to a political vision or a political harmony."
One potential political alternative, former U.N. nuclear chief, Mohammad ElBaradei, raised hopes earlier this year when he expressed an interest in running for president. But his extended visits to Europe, and conditions he has placed on his possible candidacy have caused the initial exuberance27 to fizzle. All the same, Said Sadek says, it is too early to rule out ElBaradei, provided he gets the backing of security forces.
"The real reins28 of power would remain in the military and police institutions," he said. "You have to remember that the Middle East is a very volatile29 area and so the ruling elite30 in Egypt would always look for a strong army officer or policeman or general who would be managing the country in a very turbulent area."
Which is why, says Sadek and others, the transition to truly civilian31 rule may be a long time coming.
1 quell | |
v.压制,平息,减轻 | |
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2 rumor | |
n.谣言,谣传,传说 | |
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3 rumors | |
n.传闻( rumor的名词复数 );[古]名誉;咕哝;[古]喧嚷v.传闻( rumor的第三人称单数 );[古]名誉;咕哝;[古]喧嚷 | |
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4 vent | |
n.通风口,排放口;开衩;vt.表达,发泄 | |
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5 gall | |
v.使烦恼,使焦躁,难堪;n.磨难 | |
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6 robust | |
adj.强壮的,强健的,粗野的,需要体力的,浓的 | |
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7 activist | |
n.活动分子,积极分子 | |
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8 slain | |
杀死,宰杀,杀戮( slay的过去分词 ); (slay的过去分词) | |
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9 brutal | |
adj.残忍的,野蛮的,不讲理的 | |
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10 brutally | |
adv.残忍地,野蛮地,冷酷无情地 | |
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11 condemnation | |
n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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12 inmates | |
n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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13 blindfolded | |
v.(尤指用布)挡住(某人)的视线( blindfold的过去式 );蒙住(某人)的眼睛;使不理解;蒙骗 | |
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14 eyewitnesses | |
目击者( eyewitness的名词复数 ) | |
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15 wielded | |
手持着使用(武器、工具等)( wield的过去式和过去分词 ); 具有; 运用(权力); 施加(影响) | |
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16 potent | |
adj.强有力的,有权势的;有效力的 | |
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17 reminder | |
n.提醒物,纪念品;暗示,提示 | |
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18 venting | |
消除; 泄去; 排去; 通风 | |
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19 activists | |
n.(政治活动的)积极分子,活动家( activist的名词复数 ) | |
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20 anguish | |
n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦,烦恼 | |
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21 relatively | |
adv.比较...地,相对地 | |
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22 demonstrations | |
证明( demonstration的名词复数 ); 表明; 表达; 游行示威 | |
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23 participation | |
n.参与,参加,分享 | |
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24 noted | |
adj.著名的,知名的 | |
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25 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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26 brotherhood | |
n.兄弟般的关系,手中情谊 | |
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27 exuberance | |
n.丰富;繁荣 | |
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28 reins | |
感情,激情; 缰( rein的名词复数 ); 控制手段; 掌管; (成人带着幼儿走路以防其走失时用的)保护带 | |
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29 volatile | |
adj.反复无常的,挥发性的,稍纵即逝的,脾气火爆的;n.挥发性物质 | |
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30 elite | |
n.精英阶层;实力集团;adj.杰出的,卓越的 | |
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31 civilian | |
adj.平民的,民用的,民众的 | |
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