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Africa's Longtime Rulers
Gabon's president Omar Bongo came to power in 1967, the same year as the recently deceased President Eyadema of Togo. Like Mr. Eyadema, he was a military officer who seized power in a coup1. He is heading a sizeable list of African leaders who have served for several decades, including Libya's Moammar Gaddafi, Angola's Jose Eduardo dos Santos, Zimbabwe's Robert Mugabe and many others.
Gilbert Khadiagala, a history professor at Johns Hopkins University, says these leaders have much in common.
Gilbert Khadiagala: Most of them do seem to come from either a military background, or they've been legitimized through the use of military force, or over the years, they belonged to ethnic2 minorities that have had to use force in order to survive.
Professor Khadiagala says long-serving leaders typically have control over their country's resources, such as oil or minerals, which help finance their regimes. And the longer they stay in power, the more difficult it becomes to remove them. Often they groom4 their sons as successors.
Professor Khadiagala: They prepare their children to take over because the longer they stay, the more insecure they become. They are quasi-monarchical regimes, if we can call them that way.
In the case of Togo, the constitutional succession plan required that the speaker of parliament should succeed the deceased president and call for elections within 60 days. Instead, the military took control, naming the president's son Faure Gnassingbe as the new leader. There is talk that Egypt's president Mubarak and Uganda's Museveni may be grooming5 their sons to take over after them.
Many historians blame this state of affairs on the colonial era.
James Mittleman: The nature of colonialism was to centralize administrative6 structures.
James Mittleman, professor of international affairs at American University in Washington, says colonialism disrupted pre-existing political systems on the continent.
James Mittleman: In some cases there were pre-colonial states as with the Empires, the Zulu Empire, the Ashanti Empire. In other cases they were decentralized types of political structures.
With the exception of Ethiopia and Liberia, all present African countries began as colonies. Many gained independence only after waging long wars against their colonial masters. Leaders of those wars typically became leaders of new states. But most were unable to meet their people's social and economic needs, which resulted in tensions and sometimes civil war.
Professor Khadiagala says the military or other authoritarian7 leaders, fearing their countries would fall apart politically, decided8 they could provide more stability.
Professor Khadiagala: They have paraded as fathers of the nations and the longer they stay, the tougher it is for the opposition9 to organize.
As in the communist world, many of these leaders have over the years developed a personality cult3, living in growing luxury and enjoying increased power, while their people suffered. Zimbabwe's Mugabe is an example. When he took over in 1980, his country, then Rhodesia, was relatively10 prosperous and he promised equal treatment to all his people. Today the people of Zimbabwe are on the verge11 of starvation and unable to remove their leader.
With the departure of some of the rulers, says Professor Khadiagala, democratization has gained momentum12. For example, when Daniel Arap Moi of Kenya decided to step down in 2003 after a quarter-century rule, he was not able to install a successor.
Professor Khadiagala: When they had the elections, the people were so tired of one-party rule that the opposition was able to unite under a new leader and Moi's successor in the party was defeated.
Even if Faure Gnassingbe does not depart, says Professor Khadiagala, he may not have the same power as his father.
Professor Khadiagala: In the new millennium13, there are too many pressures around these countries that they cannot avoid the 'problem' of making political transitions to a democratic rule.
In addition to outside pressures, African leaders today face the growing antagonism14 of their own people. New generations of Africans, half younger then 20, appear to want democratic change. Professor Khadiagala says regardless of whether Faure Gnassingbe remains15 in power or not, the era of the "Big Man" in Africa may be over.
For focus, I’m Zlatica Hoke.
注释:
coup [ku:] n. 政变
Angola [AN5^EulE] n. 安哥拉
Zimbabwe [zim5bB:bwei] 津巴布韦
groom [^ru:m] vt. 推荐
Uganda [ju(:)5^AndE] n. [国名]乌干达(东非国家)
colonialism [kE5lEunjElizEm] n. 殖民主义
Ethiopia [7i:Wi5EupjE] n. 埃塞俄比亚(非洲东部国家)
authoritarian [C:7WCri5tZEriEn] adj. 独裁的,独裁主义的
cult [kQlt ] n. 礼拜,祭仪,礼拜式
Rhodesia [rEu5di:zjE] 罗得西亚(津巴布韦的旧称)[非洲]
momentum [mEu5mentEm] n. 动力,要素
Kenya [5ki:njE] n. 肯尼亚
antagonism [An5tA^EnizEm] n. 对抗(状态),对抗性
1 coup | |
n.政变;突然而成功的行动 | |
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2 ethnic | |
adj.人种的,种族的,异教徒的 | |
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3 cult | |
n.异教,邪教;时尚,狂热的崇拜 | |
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4 groom | |
vt.给(马、狗等)梳毛,照料,使...整洁 | |
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5 grooming | |
n. 修饰, 美容,(动物)梳理毛发 | |
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6 administrative | |
adj.行政的,管理的 | |
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7 authoritarian | |
n./adj.专制(的),专制主义者,独裁主义者 | |
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8 decided | |
adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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9 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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10 relatively | |
adv.比较...地,相对地 | |
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11 verge | |
n.边,边缘;v.接近,濒临 | |
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12 momentum | |
n.动力,冲力,势头;动量 | |
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13 millennium | |
n.一千年,千禧年;太平盛世 | |
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14 antagonism | |
n.对抗,敌对,对立 | |
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15 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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