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THE MAKING OF A NATION - February 28, 2002: Election of 1936
By David Jarmul
THE MAKING OF A NATION -- a program in Special English by the Voice of America.
(Theme)
Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal policies during the nineteen-thirties changed the face of American government.
The new president and the Congress passed legislation that helped farmers, strengthened the banking1 system, and
supplied jobs for millions of workers.
One of the most important results of Roosevelt's policies was a stronger American labor2 movement.
VOICE 2:
Labor leaders had little success in organizing workers in the United States during the nineteen-twenties. Three
Republican presidents and a national wave of conservatism prevented them from gaining many members or
increasing They're negotiating power. In nineteen-twenty-nine, organized labor fell even further with the
beginning of the Great Economic Depression.
By nineteen-thirty-three, America's labor unions had less than three-million members. But by the end of the
nineteen-thirties, more than ten-and-a-half-million American workers belonged to unions.
VOICE 1:
New laws proposed by the Roosevelt administration made the labor growth possible. The National Industrial
Recovery Act of nineteen -thirty-three gave labor leaders the right to organize and represent workers. The
Supreme3 Court ruled that the law was illegal. But another law, the Wagner Labor Relations Act of nineteen-
thirty-five, helped labor unions to increase their power.
Most of the leaders of America's traditional labor unions were slow to understand their
new power. They were conservative men. They represented workers with certain skills,
such as wood workers or metal workers. They did little to organize workers with other
kinds of skills.
But a new group of labor leaders used the new laws to organize unions by industries,
not by skills. They believed that workers would have much more power if they joined
forces with other workers in the same factory to make common demands. These new
leaders began to organize unions for the automobile4 industry, the steel industry, and
other major industries.
VOICE 2:
The leader of the new movement was the head of the mine workers, John L. Lewis. Lewis was a powerful leader
with a strong body and strong opinions. He had begun to work in the coal mines at the age of twelve.
Lewis rose to become a powerful and successful leader of the mine workers. But he was concerned about workers
in other industries as well. And he believed that most of the leaders in the American Federation5 of Labor were
doing little to help them.
For this reason, Lewis and the heads of several other unions formed their own group to organize unions by
industry, not by skills. They called their group the Congress of Industrial Organizations, the CIO. And they tried
immediately to gain members.
VOICE 1:
Poster by John Z.
Gelsavage shows
Roosevelt signing the
1935 Wagner Act
The CIO successfully organized the workers in several major industries. But it succeeded only by hard work and
struggle. The CIO's first big battle was against the giant automobile company, General Motors. Late in nineteen-
thirty-five, workers at several General Motors factories began a "sit-down" strike at their machines to demand
better pay and working conditions.
After forty-four days, General Motors surrendered. It recognized that the automobile workers' union had the right
to represent GM workers. And it agreed to negotiate a new work agreement.
VOICE 2:
The struggle at the Ford6 Motor Company was more bitter. Ford company guards beat union organizers and
workers. But the Ford company finally agreed to negotiate with the new union.
The same story was true in the steel industry. But the new labor leaders succeeded in becoming the official
representatives of steel workers throughout the country.
By nineteen-thirty-eight, the CIO had won its battle to organize major industries. In later years, it would join with
the more traditional American Federation of Labor to form the organization that remains7 the most important labor
group in America today, the AFL-CIO.
VOICE 1:
President Roosevelt was not always an active supporter of organized labor. But neither was he a constant
supporter of big business, like the three Republican presidents before him. In fact, Roosevelt spoke8 out often
against the dangers of big business in a democracy.
These speeches caused great concern among many of the traditional business and conservative leaders of the
nation. And Roosevelt's increasingly progressive policies in nineteen-thirty-five made many richer Americans
fear that the president was a socialist9, a dictator, or a madman.
Former president Herbert Hoover, for example, denounced Roosevelt's new deal policies as an attack "on the
whole idea of individual freedoms." The family of business leader J.P. Morgan told visitors not to say Roosevelt's
name in front of Morgan. They said it would make his blood pressure go up.
VOICE 2:
This conservative opposition10 to Roosevelt grew steadily11 throughout nineteen -thirty-five and thirty -six. Many
Americans were honestly worried that Roosevelt's expansion of government was the first step to dictatorship.
They feared that Roosevelt and the Democrats12 were trying to gain power as the Nazis13 did in Germany, the
Fascists14 in Italy or the Communists in Russia.
VOICE 1:
The Republican Party held its presidential convention in the summer of nineteen-thirty-six. The party delegates
chose Alfred Landon to oppose Roosevelt for president.
Mr. Landon was the governor of the farm state of Kansas. He was a successful oil producer with conservative
business views. But he was open to some of the social reforms of Roosevelt's new deal. Republicans hoped he
would appeal to average Americans who supported mild reforms, but feared Roosevelt's social policies.
The Democrats nominated Roosevelt and vice15 president John Garner16 to serve a second term.
VOICE 2:
The main issue in the presidential campaign of nineteen-thirty-six was Franklin Roosevelt himself. Roosevelt
campaigned across the country like a man sure that he would win. He laughed with the cheering crowds and told
them that the new deal had helped improve their lives.
In New York, Roosevelt made a major speech promising17 to continue the work of his administration if he was reelected.
"Of course we will continue to seek to improve working conditions for the workers of America," Roosevelt told
the crowd that day.
"Of course we will continue to work for cheaper electricity in the homes and on the farms of America. Of course
we will continue our efforts for the farmers of America. Of course we will continue our efforts for young men
and women. For those unable to walk. For the blind. For the mothers, the unemployed18, and the aged19. We have
only just begun to fight." One of the most important results of Roosevelt's New Deal policies was a stronger
American labor movement early in the 20th century. VOICE 1:
The Republican candidate, Alfred Landon, began his campaign by saying that many of Roosevelt's new deal
programs were good. But he said that a Republican administration could do them better and for less money.
However, Landon's words became much stronger as the campaign continued. He attacked many of Roosevelt's
programs.
The campaign became increasingly bitter. Roosevelt said his opponents cared only about their money, not about
other Americans. "I welcome their hatred," he said. Landon's supporters accused Roosevelt of destroying the
nation's economic traditions and threatening democracy.
VOICE 2:
The nation had not seen such a fierce campaign in forty years. But when it was over, the nation also saw a victory
greater than any in its history.
Franklin Roosevelt defeated Alfred Landon in the election of nineteen-thirty-six by one of the largest votes in the
nation's history. Roosevelt won every state except Maine and Vermont.
The huge election victory marked the high point of Roosevelt's popularity. In our next program, we will look at
the many problems he faced in his second administration.
(Theme)
VOICE 1:
You have been listening to THE MAKING OF A NATION, a program in Special English. Your narrators were
Doug Johnson and Sarah Long. THE MAKING OF A NATION was written by David Jarmul.
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1 banking | |
n.银行业,银行学,金融业 | |
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2 labor | |
n.劳动,努力,工作,劳工;分娩;vi.劳动,努力,苦干;vt.详细分析;麻烦 | |
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3 supreme | |
adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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4 automobile | |
n.汽车,机动车 | |
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5 federation | |
n.同盟,联邦,联合,联盟,联合会 | |
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6 Ford | |
n.浅滩,水浅可涉处;v.涉水,涉过 | |
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7 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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8 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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9 socialist | |
n.社会主义者;adj.社会主义的 | |
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10 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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11 steadily | |
adv.稳定地;不变地;持续地 | |
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12 democrats | |
n.民主主义者,民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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13 Nazis | |
n.(德国的)纳粹党员( Nazi的名词复数 );纳粹主义 | |
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14 fascists | |
n.法西斯主义的支持者( fascist的名词复数 ) | |
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15 vice | |
n.坏事;恶习;[pl.]台钳,老虎钳;adj.副的 | |
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16 garner | |
v.收藏;取得 | |
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17 promising | |
adj.有希望的,有前途的 | |
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18 unemployed | |
adj.失业的,没有工作的;未动用的,闲置的 | |
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19 aged | |
adj.年老的,陈年的 | |
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