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THE MAKING OF A NATION - April 25, 2002: US/Japan Relations Before World War Two
By David Jarmul
VOICE 1:
THE MAKING OF A NATION -- a program in Special English on the Voice of America.
(Theme)
We have seen in recent programs how the rise of Fascist1 leaders in Europe threatened American neutrality in the
nineteen-thirties. Adolf Hitler and the Nazi2 party in Germany created the most obvious threat.
But there was also Benito Mussolini in Italy and Francisco Franco in Spain. These leaders challenged both the
idea of democracy and the security of some of America's closest allies.
Hitler's invasion of Poland and the beginning of general war in Europe in nineteen-thirty-nine made Americans
wonder if they could remain neutral much longer.
The United States would finally go to war against Hitler and the other axis3 nations. But its first battle would not
be in Europe at all. Instead, Washington would enter World War Two following a direct attack by Japan.
VOICE 2:
Relations between the United States and Japan had grown steadily4 worse throughout the nineteen-thirties. Both
nations were important industrial powers. But they had very different ideas about the economic and political
future of eastern Asia, especially China.
Until the late eighteen-hundreds, Japan had been a nation with ancient political traditions and little contact with
the Western world.
Visits by Commodore Matthew Perry and American warships5 helped open Japan to trade with the United States
and other nations in the eighteen -fifties. And in the years that followed, Japan took giant steps toward becoming a
modern industrial nation.
By the nineteen-twenties and thirties, Japan was a strong country. But it lacked oil,
rubber, and other natural materials of its own. For this reason, Japanese leaders
looked with envy at the Dutch colonies in Indonesia, French colonies in Indochina,
and British colonies in Malaya and Burma. And Japanese businessmen saw huge
markets for their products in such nearby countries as Korea and China.
VOICE 1:
Japan's desire to use eastern Asia to gain natural materials and
sell manufactured products was in direct conflict with American plans for Asia. This was
especially true concerning China. Washington was the creator of the "Open Door" policy
toward China. It wanted to keep China's natural materials and markets free from control by
Japan or any other foreign nation.
For this reason, Americans were very concerned when Japanese forces invaded the Manchuria
area of China in nineteen-thirty-one. And they watched with great interest the efforts of Matthew Perry
Chinese leader Chiang Kai-shek to oppose the Japanese invaders6.
The United States was also very concerned about protecting its imports of oil, tin, and natural rubber from
southeast Asia. This area of the world was a major supplier of these natural materials in the nineteen-thirties. The
Middle East had not yet become a leading producer of oil.
Commodore Perry meets
the imperial commissioners7
at Yokohama
In these ways, the United States and Japan were competing for the same natural materials and Asian markets.
However, there also was a good deal of trade between the two nations. In fact, Japan depended on the United
States for most of its metal, copper8, and oil.
VOICE 2:
This trade with Tokyo became a major concern for President Franklin Roosevelt and the Congress in nineteen-
thirty-seven.
In the summer of that year, more Japanese troops moved into China. They quickly captured much of the Chinese
coast.
Much of the metal, oil, and other materials that Japan used for its war effort in China came from the United
States. Americans did not like selling Japan materials to use against China. But the trade was legal because of a
nineteen-eleven agreement between Tokyo and Washington.
However, the American government told Japan in nineteen-thirty-nine that it would end the earlier agreement. It
would no longer sell Japan materials that could be used for war.
VOICE 1:
Washington's decision made the Japanese government think again about its expansionist plans. And the
announcement a month later of the peace treaty between Germany and the soviet9 union gave Tokyo even more
cause for concern. The soviet union could be a major opponent of Japanese expansion in eastern Asia. And it
appeared free from the threat of war in Europe.
These two events helped moderates in the Japanese government to gain more influence over foreign policy. A
moderate government took power in January, nineteen-forty.
VOICE 2:
However, this period of moderation in Tokyo did not last long. In the spring of nineteen-forty, Germany launched
its lightning invasion of Europe. The nazis10 captured Denmark, Norway, the Netherlands, Belgium, Luxembourg,
and finally France.
Extremists in the Japanese government saw the German victory as their chance to launch their own attack on
European colonies in Asia. They quickly began negotiations11 with Hitler to form a new alliance. And within
months, militant12 leaders overthrew13 the moderate government in Tokyo.
The new Japanese government was headed by a moderate, Prince Konoye. But its minister of war was an
expansionist, General Tojo. Tokyo wasted no time in taking action. It forced France to give Japan permission to
occupy northern Indochina. And Tokyo also demanded that Britain close the Burma road to the Chinese city of
Chungking [Chongqing].
VOICE 1:
These events caused relations between Tokyo and Washington to become even worse.
In the second half of nineteen-forty, President Roosevelt banned the export of metal and oil products to Japan.
His administration also lent money to China. And American representatives quietly began to Meet with British
and Dutch officials to discuss joint14 defense15 plans for possible Japanese attacks in the western Pacific.
Washington and Tokyo held long negotiations in nineteen-forty-one. The American officials hoped the
negotiations might delay Japan from launching an attack to the south. They also thought that a delay might give
more moderate leaders in Japan a chance to gain more influence. And for a time, the American plan worked.
Japan did not make new acts of aggression16.
VOICE 2:
Again, events in Europe caused this situation to change. Nazi Germany attacked the soviet union in the middle of
nineteen-forty-one. This prevented Moscow from doing any fighting on its eastern borders. So, Japanese troops
were free to invade southern Indochina.
President Roosevelt reacted to Japan's invasion of Indochina by taking three major steps. First, he took control of
all Japanese money in the United States. Second, he brought the armed forces of the Philippines under American
command. And third, he closed the Panama canal to Japanese shipping17.
Once again, a conflict developed between moderates and extremists in the Japanese government.
More moderate leaders such as Prime Minister Konoye urged one more effort to reach an agreement with the
United States. But the Japanese army and navy believed that the time had come to go to war to end American and
European power in eastern Asia forever.
VOICE 1:
Negotiations between Japan and the United States continued through the final months of nineteen-forty-one. But
the two nations were on the edge of war. They were as close to hostilities18 as Washington was with the nazi
government in Berlin.
American military officials captured secret messages from Japan during this time. They learned that Tokyo was
planning an attack of some kind unless the United States suddenly changed its policies. However, the American
officials could not discover exactly where or how the attack would be made.
Almost everyone in Washington expected that the Japanese would attack south of Japan. They were wrong. The
military leaders in Tokyo were planning a surprise attack on America's main pacific military base, the huge naval19
center at pearl harbor, Hawaii. That will be our story next week.
(Theme)
VOICE 2:
You have been listening to THE MAKING OF A NATION, a program in Special English. Our program was
narrated20 by Harry21 Monroe and Rich Kleinfeldt. It was written by David Jarmul. The Voice of America invites
you to listen again next week to THE MAKING OF A NATION.
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1 fascist | |
adj.法西斯主义的;法西斯党的;n.法西斯主义者,法西斯分子 | |
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2 Nazi | |
n.纳粹分子,adj.纳粹党的,纳粹的 | |
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3 axis | |
n.轴,轴线,中心线;坐标轴,基准线 | |
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4 steadily | |
adv.稳定地;不变地;持续地 | |
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5 warships | |
军舰,战舰( warship的名词复数 ); 舰只 | |
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6 invaders | |
入侵者,侵略者,侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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7 commissioners | |
n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 );长官;委员;政府部门的长官 | |
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8 copper | |
n.铜;铜币;铜器;adj.铜(制)的;(紫)铜色的 | |
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9 Soviet | |
adj.苏联的,苏维埃的;n.苏维埃 | |
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10 Nazis | |
n.(德国的)纳粹党员( Nazi的名词复数 );纳粹主义 | |
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11 negotiations | |
协商( negotiation的名词复数 ); 谈判; 完成(难事); 通过 | |
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12 militant | |
adj.激进的,好斗的;n.激进分子,斗士 | |
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13 overthrew | |
overthrow的过去式 | |
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14 joint | |
adj.联合的,共同的;n.关节,接合处;v.连接,贴合 | |
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15 defense | |
n.防御,保卫;[pl.]防务工事;辩护,答辩 | |
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16 aggression | |
n.进攻,侵略,侵犯,侵害 | |
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17 shipping | |
n.船运(发货,运输,乘船) | |
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18 hostilities | |
n.战争;敌意(hostility的复数);敌对状态;战事 | |
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19 naval | |
adj.海军的,军舰的,船的 | |
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20 narrated | |
v.故事( narrate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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21 harry | |
vt.掠夺,蹂躏,使苦恼 | |
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