2020年经济学人 欧盟贸易(2)（在线收听）

The American government may roll its eyes at the talk of a tougher EU trade regime.

美国政府可能会对更严格的欧盟贸易制度不屑一顾。

Some in America could accuse the bloc of being too timid about using tariffs to get its own way with trading partners,

美国一些人可能会指责欧盟在利用关税为所欲为方便太过胆小，

and too weak to overcome the protectionist instincts of its member states.

在对抗其成员国的保护主义本能方面又太过软弱。

They ask why, if the EU is so concerned about the demise of the WTO's dispute-settlement system,

他们问道，如果欧盟如此关心WTO争端解决机制的终止，

it ignored America's complaints about it for so long?

那么为什么长久以来，它又对美国的抱怨置之不理呢？

Where, they ask, was the EU while America was filing WTO disputes against China? Tough talk is cheap, results will require action.

他们问道，当美国向世贸组织投诉中国时，欧盟在哪呢？讲出强硬的言辞很容易，但要达成结果需要行动。

Mr Hogan's first priority is to add muscle to the EU's defences.

霍根的首要任务是增强欧盟的防御力量。

From May 1st he will oversee a new "chief trade-enforcement officer",

从5月1日起，他将监督一个新的“首席贸易执法官员”，

as well as new enforcement unit dedicated to making sure that existing trade deals are implemented properly.

以及一个新的执法部门，该部门致力于确保现有的贸易协定得到正确执行。

The European Commission is proposing new rules that would sharpen the EU's teeth,

欧盟委员会正在提议新的规则，以加强欧盟的利齿，

including an amendment to enforcement regulations that would allow tariffs against other governments

包括一项针对执行条例的修正案，该法案允许对阻碍WTO争端解决机制的

blocking the WTO's dispute-settlement system. On the topic of the WTO's appellate body,

其他政府征收关税。在世贸组织上诉机构的议题上，

Mr Hogan acknowledges some of the American concerns,

霍根承认了美国的一些担忧，

but adds that he would love to see detailed proposals for solutions to the problems from the Trump administration.

但他补充道，他希望看到特朗普政府就这些问题提出详细的解决方案。

Whether he can maintain stable trade relations with America is another matter.

他是否可以维系与美国的稳定贸易关系又是另外一回事了。

He raised hackles in September after an interview in which he promised to teach Mr Trump "the error of his ways".

去年9月份，他在一次采访后引起了愤怒，在采访中，他承诺要教特朗普“改正自己的错误”。

Then in a meeting in January he seems to have clashed with Robert Lighthizer, the United States Trade Representative.

然后在1月份的会议上，他似乎又和美国贸易代表罗伯特·莱特希泽起了冲突。

If he tries to bring more assertiveness into the EU's side of the transatlantic relationship it could end badly.

如果他想在跨大西洋关系中给欧盟一方增添更多自信，结果可能会很糟糕。

Stephen Vaughn, an ex-colleague of Mr Lighthizer, warns that attempts to play hardball "could backfire".

莱特希泽的前同事斯蒂芬·沃恩警告称采取强硬手段的企图“可能适得其反”。

The Americans want, above all, broad access to the EU's agricultural market—

最重要的是，美国人想要获得欧盟农业市场的广泛准入，

more than the lobsters, scallops and nuts that are on offer. (Seafood technically counts as an industrial product.)

而不仅仅是龙虾、扇贝和坚果。（从学术上讲，海鲜算是一种工业产品。）

But as Mr Hogan knows well from his previous job,

但霍根从他的前一份工作中所深知

anything much broader than dismantling a few non-tariff agricultural barriers is unpalatable to member states.

任何比拆除一些非关税农业壁垒范围更广的举措，都不会让成员国满意。

He remains upbeat about the transatlantic relationship.

他仍然对大西洋两岸的关系持乐观态度。

"I think that we're in a better place now than we were some months ago," he says.

他表示，“我认为我们现在的处境比几个月前好多了。”

On February 14th a tariff announcement related to a dispute over aircraft subsidies was milder than expected.

2月14日，一项与飞机补贴争端相关的关税公告比预期的要温和。

A reduction in car tariffs could be on the table, he adds, if member states agree.

他补充到，如果成员国同意，降低汽车关税或许能够成为可能。

His challenge is not just to get trade partners to play by the rules. It is to get his own side on board, too.

他的挑战不仅在于要让贸易伙伴遵守规则，他所在的那一方也要支持他。