新闻周刊:特朗普是如何打出(白人)种族牌并重塑民主党的(3)（在线收听）

“Americans must thoughtfully pursue an expanded, identity--conscious politics,” Georgia’s rising political star Stacey Abrams wrote recently in Foreign Affairs. “By embracing identity and its prickly, uncomfortable contours, Americans will become more likely to grow as one.”

“美国人必须深思熟虑地追求一种扩展的、有自我意识的政治，” 格鲁吉亚冉冉升起的政治新星斯泰西·艾布拉姆斯最近在《外交事务》上撰文写道。“通过接受身份认同及其棘手、不舒服的轮廓，美国人将更有可能成长为一个整体。”

Trump is unique in the scale and depth of his appeal to WHITENESS, his sustained racially charged campaign to “Make America great again” UNMATCHED in modern political history.

特朗普对白人的吸引力在规模和深度上都是独一无二的，他为“让美国再次伟大起来”所进行的持续不断的充满种族主义色彩的竞选活动，在现代政治史上无人能及。

But there is one claimed identity that Democrats do not -embrace: the white one. And victory in 2020 might run directly through the states where it could play a decisive role.

但有一个民主党人声称不接受的身份：白人。2020年的胜利可能会直接通过各州，在这些州它可以发挥决定性的作用。

In 1964, after President Lyndon Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act, it’s said he turned to a key aide with an air of political resignation and lamented, “We have lost the South for a generation.” Johnson was right, though his analysis was too narrow. In fact, that year, he became the last Democrat to win the white vote nationally. Ever since, with the landmark legislation realigning the major political parties, race has increasingly become a tool, and indicator, of political persuasion.

1964年，林登·约翰逊总统签署民权法案后，据说他带着政治辞职的神情向一名重要助手表示哀悼，“我们失去南方的支持已经有一代人了。”约翰逊是对的，尽管他的分析过于狭隘。事实上，在那一年，他成为最后一个赢得全国白人选票的民主党人。从那时起，随着具有里程碑意义的立法对主要政党进行重组，种族日益成为政治说服的工具和指标。

To exploit racial resentments and capture white voters, Republicans dog-whistled away—sometimes shrilly, sometimes gently. Richard Nixon declared a “war on crime.” Ronald Reagan went after “welfare queens.” George H.W. Bush conjured the specter of African-American prisoner Willie Horton, who raped a white woman while on furlough. Democrats, in turn, pursued a series of measures, including tough sentencing laws, to prove themselves tough on crime and compete for the white vote. Hillary Clinton, in remarks many criticized for their racial overtones, famously spoke of young -“superpredators” and the need “to bring them to heel.”

为了利用种族仇恨和争取白人选民，共和党人卷起口哨走开了——有时尖锐，有时温柔。理查德·尼克松宣布“向犯罪宣战”。罗纳德·里根追求的是“福利女王”。乔治·H.W.布什召唤出非裔美国囚犯威利·霍顿的幽灵，威利·霍顿在休假期间强奸了一名白人妇女。而民主党人则采取了一系列措施，包括严厉的量刑法，以证明他们在打击犯罪和争取白人选票方面的强硬立场。许多人批评希拉里·克林顿在讲话中带有种族色彩，其中有一句很有名的话是形容问题黑人学生的——“超级掠食者”，以及“让他们就范”的必要性。

But Trump is unique in the scale and depth of his appeal to whiteness, his sustained racially charged campaign to “make America great again” unmatched in modern political history.

但特朗普对白人的吸引力在规模和深度上都是独一无二的，他为“让美国再次伟大”而进行的持续充满种族色彩的竞选活动，在现代政治史上是无与伦比的。

And before the 2016 election, few appreciated the magnitude of the audience for such a message. According to Ashley Jardina, a Duke political scientist who studies whites and American politics, at least 40 percent of Caucasians acknowledge having some degree of “white identity,” a loose term that exists on a spectrum. Racists who support hate groups like the Ku Klux Klan are a small minority of these so-called white identifiers, about 10 percent. The rest, she says, are usually more animated by political and economic forces. The common thread among white identifiers, she said, besides whiteness, is a sense of aggrievement.

在2016年大选之前，几乎没有人意识到观众对这类信息的重视。杜克大学研究白人和美国政治的政治学家阿什利·贾迪纳说，至少有40%的白种人承认自己有某种程度的“白人身份”，这是一个宽泛的术语，存在于各个阶层。支持三K党等仇恨组织的种族主义者，在这些所谓的白人标识中只占一小部分，约占10%。其余的，她说，通常是更活跃的政治和经济力量。她说，除了白皮肤以外，白人标识符之间的共同点是一种委屈感。

“When we think of racial prejudice, we think of antipathy toward people of color, a general sense of animus,” Jardina says. “There is a subset of people in the U.S. who feel their white race is important to them and feel the demographics are changing and the privileges and advantages that they have are under attack. That is different from ‘I just don’t like black people.’” She acknowledges that there is a relationship, “but it’s not the same thing, although the consequences of these two attitudes might sometimes be the same.”

“提到种族偏见，我们会想到对有色人种的反感，一种普遍的敌意，” 贾迪纳说。“在美国，有一小部分人认为他们的白人种族对他们很重要，他们觉得人口结构正在发生变化，他们拥有的特权和优势受到了攻击。这与‘我就是不喜欢黑人’不同。”她承认二者之间有关系，“但这不是一回事，尽管这两种态度的后果有时可能是相同的。”

Eddie Glaude, a Princeton University religion professor who writes about race and politics, is less generous; he considers any level of white identity as racism by another name. “White identity is this investment in the belief that because of the color of one’s skin, one should be accorded more benefits than others,” he says. “Society organizes around the belief that whites matter more than others, and white identity is thrown into crisis when it seems as though that is no longer true.”

普林斯顿大宗教学教授埃迪?格劳德就没这么慷慨了。他认为任何程度的白人身份都是种族主义的别称。“白人身份是这样一种信念的投资：由于一个人的肤色，他应该比其他人得到更多的好处，”他说。“社会围绕着这样一种信念组织起来：白人比其他人更重要，当白人身份似乎不再正确时，它就会陷入危机。”