英国卫报：气候危机与文化战争的纠缠(3)（在线收听）

Public debate over the environment once pitted people who believed in the reality of anthropogenic climate change against those who questioned it.

关于环境的公共辩论曾经让相信人类活动造成了气候变化的人与质疑它的人对立起来。

At least two of the current cabinet, including Boris Johnson, used to count themselves among the sceptical camp.

现任内阁中至少有两人，包括鲍里斯-约翰逊，曾经把自己算作怀疑论阵营的一员。

Today, with a firm majority of every demographic group in the UK in agreement with the fact that humans are warming the planet, and that this poses a serious danger, the battle lines have been redrawn.

今天，英国每个人口群体中的绝大多数都同意人类正在使地球变暖这个事实，并且这构成了严重的危险，人们已经重新划分了战线。

The great underreported story is how normalised all this has become.

一个没有被充分报道的故事是，这一切已经变得非常正常。

Those who want to see action on climate change, in many ways, have won the argument, says James Murray, editor of the website BusinessGreen and a leading environmental commentator.

那些希望看到对气候变化采取行动的人，在许多方面已经赢得了争论，BusinessGreen网站的编辑和领先的环境评论家詹姆斯-默里说道。

That is now the consensus view: it has the nominal support of every government and science academy on the planet, and crucially its where the money is.

这就是现在的共识：它得到了地球上每个政府和科学院的名义支持，而且关键在于它的资金来源。

With outright climate science denial relegated to the fringes, opponents of urgent action on climate emergency have been forced to switch tack.

随着对气候科学的彻底否认被降到边缘，反对对气候紧急情况采取紧急行动的人已被迫改变策略。

Alongside pro forma acknowledgments that climate breakdown is happening and vague commitments to a greener future (Of course I want to leave this planet in a better place than I found it, we all want that, Mackinlay told the BBC recently),

除了形式上承认气候崩溃的存在，以及对一个更绿色的未来的模糊承诺（当然，我想让这个星球变得更好，我们都希望如此，麦金利最近告诉英国广播公司），

the inactivists a loose coalition of fossil-fuel interests, conservative ideologues and supportive politicians and journalists seek to redirect responsibility for the problem away from the fossil fuel industry and towards individual consumers, as well as developing nations in the global south.

不作为主义者是一个由化石燃料利益集团、保守的思想家和支持的政治家和记者组成的松散联盟，他们试图将问题的责任从化石燃料行业转移到个人消费者，以及全球南部的发展中国家。

When solutions to the climate crisis are proposed by inactivists, they tend to be timid and unambitious, with faith in future (as yet unrealised) green technologies held up as a reason to shy away from serious structural changes now.

当不作为主义者提出气候危机的解决方案时，他们往往是胆怯的，没有雄心壮志的，对未来（尚未实现的）绿色技术的信心被认为是现在回避严重结构性变化的理由。

But there is now an even more powerful weapon in the inactivist armoury.

但是，现在不作为主义者又有了一个更强大的武器。

It comes in the form of an appeal to social justice: one that casts environmentalists as an aloof, out-of-touch establishment, and the inactivists as insurgents, defending the values and livelihoods of ordinary people.

它是以社会正义的形式出现的：它将环保主义者描绘成一个冷漠的、与世隔绝的机构，而不作为主义者则是叛乱者，捍卫普通人的价值观和生计。

The biggest single threat to the net zero transition is a culture war-style backlash that heavily politicises this agenda and spooks governments into moving more slowly, says Murray. At present, its on the periphery.

默里说，对净零排放转型的最大威胁是文化战争式的反击，它使这一议程严重政治化，并使政府的行动更加缓慢。目前，它处于边缘地位。

But as the past few years have taught us, ideas that were on the periphery can become very influential, very quickly.

但正如过去几年告诉我们的那样，处于边缘的想法可以很快变得非常有影响力。

Attempts to mobilise anti-elite sentiments against climate activists are nothing new.

试图调动反精英情绪来反对气候活动家的做法并不新鲜。

Wealthy celebrities who lecture others on environmental sustainability have always been charged with inauthenticity.

向他人讲授环境可持续性的富有的名人总是被指控为不真实。