英国卫报：垃圾食品盛行 我们如何吃得更健康?(5)（在线收听）

The ambitions of the NFS report raise a question: can this new holistic vision of food policy actually be delivered?

NFS报告的雄心壮志提出了一个问题：这种新的食品政策的整体愿景能否真正实现？

The final recommendation is the introduction of a Good Food bill, which would commit the government to five-year action plans, and to coming up with a healthy and sustainable reference diet: an agreed vision of what healthy eating actually means, to create a consistent approach to food across the whole system, from schools to farms.

最后的建议是推行一个好食品法案，这将使政府致力于五年的行动计划，并提出一个健康的和可持续性的参考饮食：在健康饮食的实际含义上达成共识，在从学校到农场的整个系统中提出一个对食品的一致看法。

So far, so good.

到目前为止，一切都很好。

The problem is that the report handed responsibility for monitoring progress to the Food Standards Agency, a non-ministerial department whose remit is mainly food safety and things such as use-by dates.

问题是，报告将监测进展的责任交给了食品标准局，这是一个非部级部门，其职权范围主要是食品安全和制定诸如有效期等事项。

"Delivery aint gonna come from the FSA, no way!", said Tim Lang, emeritus professor of food policy at City, University of London, when I spoke to him on the phone recently.

“食品标准局不可能提供服务，绝不可能！”伦敦大学城市学院的食品政策荣誉教授蒂姆-兰最近与我通电话时说。

Lang, who is most famous for coining the term food miles, has long been recognised as one of the leading experts on food policy in Britain.

兰因创造了 "食物里程 "一词而闻名，他一直被认为是英国食品政策方面的主要专家之一。

The week after the NFS plan was published, he wrote an opinion piece in the Spectator praising much of the content of the report but suggesting that the FSA was unfit to deliver it.

在NFS计划公布后的一周，他在《旁观者》杂志上写了一篇评论文章，赞扬了报告的大部分内容，但认为FSA不适合实施该计划。

The FSA is, he wrote, a long-weakened body a kind of genial facilitator whose role is purely advisory.

他写道，FSA是一个作用长期被削弱的机构，是一个态度和善的促进者，其作用纯粹是咨询。

Since it is not a government ministry, Lang argued, the FSA lacked the power to get anything meaningful done.

兰认为，由于它不是一个政府部门，FSA缺乏实际权力来完成任何有意义的工作。

Nothing happens unless you get laws and regulations that get translated into daily cultural values, Lang told me.

兰告诉我，除非你有法律和法规，并将其转化为日常文化价值，否则任何改变都不会发生。

Since the war, he argues that the closest that the UK has come to having a systematic food policy was in 2008, under Gordon Brown, when the Food Matters review of food policy was set up (under which the Healthy Weight, Healthy Lives strategy fell).

他认为，自战争以来，英国最接近成体系的食品政策是在2008年，在戈登-布朗的领导下，设立了食品政策的食品事项审查（健康体重、健康生活战略属于该审查实施范围）。

They integrated environment and nutrition and hospitality all in one document, Lang said.

兰说，他们将环境、营养和人民可接受度等方面都整合在一份文件中。

But when the coalition government came to power in 2010, the review was shut down by the Tories overnight.

但是，当联合政府在2010年上台后，该审查一夜之间被保守党关闭。

Now, he wonders whether the government really wants a unified food policy, or whether they would prefer no policy at all, to keep their friends in industry happy.

现在，他想知道政府是否真的想要一个统一的食品政策，或者他们是否希望不施行任何政策，以取悦他们的工业界朋友。

For years, Lang has decried what he calls the lack of food democracy.

多年来，兰一直在抨击他所说的食品缺乏民主的现象。

In the UK, 94.4% of food is supplied by one of the nine leading retailers.

在英国，94.4%的食品是由九个主要零售商供应的。

Along with his colleagues Erik Millstone and Terry Marsden, earlier this year Lang wrote a paper setting out nine tests for food policy in the UK.

与他的同事Erik Millstone和Terry Marsden一起，今年早些时候，兰写了一份文件，列出了对英国食品政策提出的九个问题。

How will people be fed and to what standards, from where, produced how, and with which consequences? the paper asked.

该文件问道："人们会吃什么，食品达到什么样的标准，食品从哪里来，如何生产，以及会产生什么样的后果？

Lang feels that Whitehall brushes these questions aside because there is a naive optimism that other countries will always come along to feed us.

兰认为，白厅将这些问题抛在一边，因为人们天真且乐观地认为其他国家总是能养活我们。

After Brexit, this post-imperial complacency looks dangerously misplaced.

在英国脱欧之后，这种后帝国时代的自满情绪看起来是危险的错觉。

As recently as October there were tonnes of broccoli and cauliflower rotting in the fields without workers to pick them, tens of thousands of pigs faced being culled because of a post-Brexit shortage of butchers and empty shelves in the supermarkets because of the shortfall of lorry drivers.

就在不久前的10月，有数吨西兰花和花椰菜烂在田里却没有工人去采摘，数万头猪因为英国脱欧后的屠夫人手不够而无法宰杀，超市里的货架因为卡车司机的短缺而空空荡荡。

In the midst of this chaos, who will actually step in to protect the food supply?

在这种混乱的情况下，谁会真正挺身而出保障食品供应？

Successive governments have been largely happy to leave it to the market which in practice means leaving it to the supermarkets and the ultra-processed food industry.

历届政府在很大程度上都乐于把问题交给市场，这实际上等同于把它们都交给超市和超加工食品工业。

Dimbleby says that one of the core aims of his report is to break what he calls the junk food cycle, in which retailers oversupply us with low-nutrient sugary foods and we in turn demand more of them.

丁伯斯说，他的报告的核心目标之一是打破他所谓的垃圾食品循环，即零售商向我们过度供应营养含量低的含糖食品，而反过来，我们因此需要更多的食品。

At the same time, the report was informed by conversations with many of the biggest food companies including Coca-Cola, Greggs, Tesco and Asda (as well as smaller organic companies such as Yeo Valley).

同时，该报告通过与许多最大的食品公司，包括可口可乐、格雷格斯、乐购和阿斯达（以及较小的有机公司，如Yeo Valley）的对话来了解情况。

To regulate industry, Dimbleby proposes forcing all food companies with more than 250 employees to publish an annual report.

为了规范行业，丁伯比建议强迫所有员工数量超过250人的食品公司发布年度报告。

As well as admitting how much food they waste, they would be forced to declare how many healthy foods such as vegetables they sell each year for some companies, the answer would presumably be none as well as how many unhealthy sugary foods.

除了承认他们浪费了多少食物外，他们还将被迫宣布他们每年销售了多少健康食品，如蔬菜（对一些公司来说，答案可能是没有），以及多少不健康的含糖食品。

The hope is that this process of public accounting would enable government to track whether businesses are moving in the right direction.

希望这种公开核算的过程能让政府追踪企业是否在向正确的方向发展。

The problem is that its currently unclear who would oversee this, or what the sanctions would be for companies that continue to sell us the same old junk.

问题是，目前还不清楚由谁来监督，也不清楚对那些继续向我们出售老式垃圾的公司会实施何种制裁。