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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
The euro zone
That sinking feeling (again)
If Germany, France and Italy cannot find a way to refloat Europe's economy, the euro may yet be doomed1
JUST a few months ago the euro zone's leaders believed that, having weathered the storm, they were set fair at last.
Buoyed2 by the promise of Mario Draghi, the president of the European Central Bank,
to do “whatever it takes” to support the currency, confidence had seeped3 back into the continent.
Growth seemed to be returning, albeit4 at a slow pace. Troubled peripheral5 countries were recovering,
after bail-outs and painful measures to cut budget deficits6 and improve competitiveness.
Unemployment, especially among the young, was still desperately7 high, but at least in most countries it was falling.
And bond spreads had narrowed sharply, as financial markets stopped betting that the euro would fall apart.
It was an illusion. In recent weeks the countries of the euro zone have begun to take in water once again.
Their collective GDP stagnated8 in the second quarter: Italy fell back into outright9 recession,
French GDP was flat and even mighty10 Germany saw an unexpectedly large fall in output (see article).
The third quarter looks pretty unhealthy, partly because the euro zone will suffer an extra drag from Western sanctions on Russia.
Meanwhile, inflation has fallen perilously11 low, to around 0.4%, far below the near-2% target of the European Central Bank,
raising fears that the zone as a whole could fall prey12 to entrenched13 deflation. German bond yields are hovering14 below 1%, another harbinger of falling prices.
The euro zone stands (or wobbles) in stark15 contrast with America and Britain, whose economies are enjoying sustained growth.
What started more than four years ago as a banking16 and sovereign-debt crisis has decayed into a growth crisis that is now enveloping17 the three biggest economies.
Germany is teetering on the edge of recession. France is mired18 in stagnation19. Italy's GDP is barely above its level when the single currency came in 15 years ago.
Since these three countries account for two-thirds of euro-zone GDP, growth in places like Spain and the Netherlands cannot make up for their torpor20.
The underlying21 causes of Europe's new ills are three very familiar and interrelated problems.
First, there is a shortage of political leaders with the courage and conviction to push through structural22 reforms to improve competitiveness and,
eventually, reignite growth: the big countries have wasted the two years bought by Mr Draghi's “whatever it takes” commitment.
Second, public opinion is not convinced of the urgent need for deep and radical23 changes.
And third, despite Mr Draghi's efforts, the monetary24 and fiscal25 framework is too tight, throttling26 growth—which makes structural reforms harder.
Different manifestations27 of these problems can be seen across the euro zone.
But the country that most dramatically epitomises all three is France. This week its embattled Socialist28 president, Fran?ois Hollande,
was forced to reshuffle his government to eject Arnaud Montebourg who, despite being economy minister,
was his own side's most persistent29 critic from the left (see article). Mr Hollande, who came to office in 2012 promising30 a painless future,
is hardly a Thatcherite reformer. But since he appointed Manuel Valls as prime minister in March, he has at least embraced the principle of public-spending cuts,
lower taxes and structural reforms
In theory a new and more cohesive31 reforming government could make progress, but public opinion is not remotely prepared for that.
Mr Hollande is not just deeply unpopular; unlike Italy's Matteo Renzi, who has bravely made the case for (as yet undelivered) tough reforms,
the French president has failed to convince voters that painful change, including a reduction in the size of the state, is inevitable32.
Instead, Mr Montebourg and his chums offer the beguiling33 notion that,
if only the euro zone scraps34 its rules and allows bigger budget deficits and generous enough public spending,
no more painful reforms will be needed, because the economy will miraculously35 lift itself out of danger by its own bootstraps.
Mr Montebourg's argument is all the more seductive because he is right about Europe's third problem:
excessive austerity, largely forced on the continent by Germany.
Mr Draghi has just implicitly36 conceded that fiscal and monetary policy in the euro zone is too tight at the annual economics jamboree in Jackson Hole.
He hinted that he was in favour of quantitative37 easing, which both America and Britain have used, and he called for fiscal policy to do more to encourage growth—
a message plainly aimed at Germany's chancellor38, Angela Merkel. She is the leader who insists most firmly on sticking to the euro zone's rules on fiscal discipline,
just as it is the German Bundesbank that is most strongly against quantitative easing.
Angie, we can say you never tried
Despite the gloom, there should be scope here for a bargain. If Mr Hollande and Mr Renzi can show they are sincere about structural reforms,
Mrs Merkel should be willing to tolerate an easier fiscal stance (including higher public investment in Germany) and a looser monetary policy.
Close your eyes, and you can imagine the three leaders working with the European Commission to complete the single market and pushing through a trade deal with the United States.
Sadly, in the real world, Mrs Merkel has little reason to trust either France or Italy: whenever external pressure on them has eased,
they have promptly39 backtracked on promises of reform. And she has just installed Jean-Claude Juncker, the do-nothing candidate,
as president of the European Commission.
So it will be hard. But without a new push from the continent's leaders, growth will not revive and deflation could take hold.
Japan suffered a decade of lost growth in the 1990s, and is still struggling. But, unlike Japan, Europe is not a single cohesive country.
If the currency union brings nothing but stagnation, joblessness and deflation, then some people will eventually vote to leave the euro.
Thanks to Mr Draghi's promise to put a floor under government debt, the market risk that financial pressures could trigger a break-up has receded40.
But the political risk that one or more countries decide to storm out of the single currency is rising all the time.
The euro crisis has not gone away; it is just waiting over the horizon.
1 doomed | |
命定的 | |
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2 buoyed | |
v.使浮起( buoy的过去式和过去分词 );支持;为…设浮标;振奋…的精神 | |
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3 seeped | |
v.(液体)渗( seep的过去式和过去分词 );渗透;渗出;漏出 | |
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4 albeit | |
conj.即使;纵使;虽然 | |
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5 peripheral | |
adj.周边的,外围的 | |
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6 deficits | |
n.不足额( deficit的名词复数 );赤字;亏空;亏损 | |
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7 desperately | |
adv.极度渴望地,绝望地,孤注一掷地 | |
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8 stagnated | |
v.停滞,不流动,不发展( stagnate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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9 outright | |
adv.坦率地;彻底地;立即;adj.无疑的;彻底的 | |
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10 mighty | |
adj.强有力的;巨大的 | |
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11 perilously | |
adv.充满危险地,危机四伏地 | |
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12 prey | |
n.被掠食者,牺牲者,掠食;v.捕食,掠夺,折磨 | |
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13 entrenched | |
adj.确立的,不容易改的(风俗习惯) | |
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14 hovering | |
鸟( hover的现在分词 ); 靠近(某事物); (人)徘徊; 犹豫 | |
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15 stark | |
adj.荒凉的;严酷的;完全的;adv.完全地 | |
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16 banking | |
n.银行业,银行学,金融业 | |
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17 enveloping | |
v.包围,笼罩,包住( envelop的现在分词 ) | |
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18 mired | |
abbr.microreciprocal degree 迈尔德(色温单位)v.深陷( mire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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19 stagnation | |
n. 停滞 | |
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20 torpor | |
n.迟钝;麻木;(动物的)冬眠 | |
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21 underlying | |
adj.在下面的,含蓄的,潜在的 | |
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22 structural | |
adj.构造的,组织的,建筑(用)的 | |
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23 radical | |
n.激进份子,原子团,根号;adj.根本的,激进的,彻底的 | |
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24 monetary | |
adj.货币的,钱的;通货的;金融的;财政的 | |
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25 fiscal | |
adj.财政的,会计的,国库的,国库岁入的 | |
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26 throttling | |
v.扼杀( throttle的现在分词 );勒死;使窒息;压制 | |
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27 manifestations | |
n.表示,显示(manifestation的复数形式) | |
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28 socialist | |
n.社会主义者;adj.社会主义的 | |
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29 persistent | |
adj.坚持不懈的,执意的;持续的 | |
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30 promising | |
adj.有希望的,有前途的 | |
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31 cohesive | |
adj.有粘着力的;有结合力的;凝聚性的 | |
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32 inevitable | |
adj.不可避免的,必然发生的 | |
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33 beguiling | |
adj.欺骗的,诱人的v.欺骗( beguile的现在分词 );使陶醉;使高兴;消磨(时间等) | |
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34 scraps | |
油渣 | |
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35 miraculously | |
ad.奇迹般地 | |
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36 implicitly | |
adv. 含蓄地, 暗中地, 毫不保留地 | |
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37 quantitative | |
adj.数量的,定量的 | |
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38 chancellor | |
n.(英)大臣;法官;(德、奥)总理;大学校长 | |
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39 promptly | |
adv.及时地,敏捷地 | |
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40 receded | |
v.逐渐远离( recede的过去式和过去分词 );向后倾斜;自原处后退或避开别人的注视;尤指问题 | |
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