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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
Libya's government
Sailing into troubled waters
A struggle to control oil exports reflects deeper dysfunction
“OIL IS our strength”, declares a billboard1 campaign launched by Libya's oil ministry2.
The advertising3 is meant to foster national pride in a country still riven with regional and tribal4 faultlines three years after the ousting6 of its dictator,
Muammar Qaddafi. But in Libya's restless eastern half, sometimes known as Cyrenaica, armed federalists are trying to make that slogan a political reality.
Since July a group calling itself the Cyrenaica Political Bureau has blockaded Libya's main oil ports, the country's chief source of income.
Its initial pretext7 was to protest against alleged8 fraud in oil-export accounts, but its ambitions have widened.
On March 11th it pulled off a coup9, successfully loading and dispatching 234,000 barrels of crude oil—
worth about $30m—aboard a North Korean-flagged tanker10, in defiance11 of the central government.
Authorities in the capital, Tripoli, responded furiously. On March 9th Ali Zeidan, the prime minister,
called it an act of piracy12 and warned that the tanker would be bombed if it tried to leave the port of Es-Sider.
Navy craft were mobilised to prevent the ship from departing. When it escaped nonetheless, apparently13 after a brief skirmish,
Libya's acting14 proto-parliament, the 200-member General National Congress (GNC), voted to dismiss Mr Zeidan.
Powerful local militias15 loyal to the GNC began an advance from Sirte, midway along the Libyan coast, towards the east.
The rebels have been given two weeks to give up the oil terminals.
The drama has set the scene for what some analysts16 fear could be a descent into deeper disorder17.
The eastern rebels are no match for the better-armed government-aligned forces,
and ordinary Cyrenaicans have little appetite for another all-out war, particularly given bitter local rivalries18.
But there is still a danger that the authorities in Tripoli may overplay their hand to the point of provoking full-scale rebellion in the east.
In moving to oust5 Mr Zeidan, the GNC asserted itself as Libya's prime authority.
But it is divided along factional lines and has few tools to impose its writ19.
Blaming the ex-premier for the tanker fiasco, it also directed the state prosecutor20 to charge him with embezzlement21.
Mr Zeidan still managed to flee to Germany.
In fact, many Libyans view the GNC as dimly as they had come to regard Mr Zeidan.
Behind its manoeuvrings many see the hand of powerful Islamist groups, led by the Justice and Construction Party, which is affiliated22 to the Muslim Brotherhood23.
Frequently during Mr Zeidan's year-and-a-bit in office, these groups moved to stymie24 his government's initiatives.
The newly installed interim25 prime minister, Abdullah al-Thinni, a former defence minister,
is thought to be close to the Islamists, as is the speaker of the GNC, Nuri Abu Sahmain.
Both men are supported by the country's best-armed militias, based in the city of Misrata, whereas Mr Zeidan was backed by armed groups from Zintan,
to the southwest of Tripoli.
These rival forces have clashed around Tripoli for several months. In the wake of Mr Zeidan's ejection the city's military council,
which co-ordinates Tripoli's various local militias, issued an order for the withdrawal26 of “forces occupying strategic positions”.
This was seen as a warning to the Zintan group, which controls the capital's main airport among other places.
The main city in the east, Benghazi, has meanwhile become increasingly insecure.
Near-daily bombings and assassinations27 appear to be aimed at undermining any authority, to the advantage of jihadist factions28 that seek to impose Islamic law.
With oil exports slumping29 from 1.4m barrels a day to around 235,000, the central government has plundered30 the country's foreign reserves to keep salaries flowing.
It is not clear how long it can afford to continue.
These ingredients make a combustible31 mixture. Fighting in the east could provoke a wider insurrection there;
and deepening disorder in Tripoli could tempt32 other local authorities, especially those in the deep south, to declare their autonomy.
Should a Brotherhood-friendly government emerge in Tripoli, neighbouring countries such as Egypt and Algeria would become twitchy.
Libya may yet drag itself back from the brink33. Rather than attempting to hold their ground at Sirte,
the Cyrenaican rebels quietly pulled back to the old border line that demarcates the former federal region, which was abolished in 1963.
Optimists34 point out that Mr Zeidan was ousted35 by an elected body, and left without a shot fired. GNC members have promised fresh national elections by midsummer.
1 billboard | |
n.布告板,揭示栏,广告牌 | |
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2 ministry | |
n.(政府的)部;牧师 | |
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3 advertising | |
n.广告业;广告活动 a.广告的;广告业务的 | |
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4 tribal | |
adj.部族的,种族的 | |
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5 oust | |
vt.剥夺,取代,驱逐 | |
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6 ousting | |
驱逐( oust的现在分词 ); 革职; 罢黜; 剥夺 | |
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7 pretext | |
n.借口,托词 | |
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8 alleged | |
a.被指控的,嫌疑的 | |
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9 coup | |
n.政变;突然而成功的行动 | |
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10 tanker | |
n.油轮 | |
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11 defiance | |
n.挑战,挑衅,蔑视,违抗 | |
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12 piracy | |
n.海盗行为,剽窃,著作权侵害 | |
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13 apparently | |
adv.显然地;表面上,似乎 | |
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14 acting | |
n.演戏,行为,假装;adj.代理的,临时的,演出用的 | |
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15 militias | |
n.民兵组织,民兵( militia的名词复数 ) | |
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16 analysts | |
分析家,化验员( analyst的名词复数 ) | |
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17 disorder | |
n.紊乱,混乱;骚动,骚乱;疾病,失调 | |
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18 rivalries | |
n.敌对,竞争,对抗( rivalry的名词复数 ) | |
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19 writ | |
n.命令状,书面命令 | |
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20 prosecutor | |
n.起诉人;检察官,公诉人 | |
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21 embezzlement | |
n.盗用,贪污 | |
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22 affiliated | |
adj. 附属的, 有关连的 | |
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23 brotherhood | |
n.兄弟般的关系,手中情谊 | |
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24 stymie | |
v.妨碍,阻挠 | |
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25 interim | |
adj.暂时的,临时的;n.间歇,过渡期间 | |
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26 withdrawal | |
n.取回,提款;撤退,撤军;收回,撤销 | |
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27 assassinations | |
n.暗杀( assassination的名词复数 ) | |
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28 factions | |
组织中的小派别,派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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29 slumping | |
大幅度下降,暴跌( slump的现在分词 ); 沉重或突然地落下[倒下] | |
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30 plundered | |
掠夺,抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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31 combustible | |
a. 易燃的,可燃的; n. 易燃物,可燃物 | |
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32 tempt | |
vt.引诱,勾引,吸引,引起…的兴趣 | |
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33 brink | |
n.(悬崖、河流等的)边缘,边沿 | |
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34 optimists | |
n.乐观主义者( optimist的名词复数 ) | |
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35 ousted | |
驱逐( oust的过去式和过去分词 ); 革职; 罢黜; 剥夺 | |
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36 awfully | |
adv.可怕地,非常地,极端地 | |
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