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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
How much is Israel's new government trying to change the balance of power?
With a coalition2 that includes far-right figures, Benjamin Netanyahu is prime minister again. NPR's Steve Inskeep talks to Dahlia Scheindlin, a columnist3 for the Israeli newspaper Haaretz.
STEVE INSKEEP, HOST:
We have a dissenting4 view of the new government in Israel. Benjamin Netanyahu is prime minister once again, taking power with a coalition that includes far-right figures. Though he was always conservative, this government is different than past ones and includes some politicians linked with banned extremist groups. In Netanyahu's most recent conversation on this program, he said not to worry about his new allies.
PRIME MINISTER BENJAMIN NETANYAHU: They're joining me. I'm not joining them. I'll have two hands firmly on the steering5 wheel. I won't let anybody do anything to LGBT or to deny our Arab citizens their rights or anything like that - just won't happen. And the test of time will prove that.
INSKEEP: Now a little time has passed, a few weeks anyway. And Dahlia Scheindlin has been watching. She is a fellow at The Century Foundation. She is a columnist for the Israeli newspaper Haaretz, and she is in Tel Aviv. Welcome to the program.
DAHLIA SCHEINDLIN: Thank you for having me.
INSKEEP: How much is this new government trying to change the balance of power in Israel?
SCHEINDLIN: It is absolutely trying to overturn the balance of power. In the Israeli political system, we have an unusual situation in which there are almost no institutional and formal checks and balances, frankly6, on the executive power. And that's because the executive is formed out of a coalition government which represents a parliamentary majority. So ultimately, the executive power can control the legislature. And what this government is trying very hard to do and looks very closely poised7 to do is essentially8 demolish9 the independence of the judiciary in general but also essentially stop the power of judicial10 review, stop the authority of the court, both to use judicial review and allow the Knesset to override11 it, which basically allows the government to override it with pretty much any coalition majority.
INSKEEP: The prime minister calls that, though, a minor12 correction. Is it?
SCHEINDLIN: No, it's not a minor correction. Yes, they have been trying to portray13 this as a simple adjustment. They call it a reform. But even very few of their supporters see it that way. We see from public opinion polling that a majority of the public wants the court to continue to exercise judicial review. Of course, we've seen widespread protests. And I don't think anybody truly sees this as a simple adjustment of the balance of powers, knowing that the judiciary is one of the few constraining14 forces and the only constraining force on legislation that might violate basic human and civil rights in Israel.
INSKEEP: A shift in the balance of power in theory doesn't hurt anybody until the government then abuses that in some way, I suppose. So that leads to my next question. Are there specific concrete ways in which this new government has acted in a way that affects people that seems far right to you?
SCHEINDLIN: Absolutely. I mean, the government is very new, but we've seen the kinds of promises they've made to the far right, specifically religious Zionism in their constituent15 parties. I think the obvious is discrimination against the Arab minority in Israel. There was also a very strong concern that there would be discrimination against the LGBTQ community, and that's because several members of these coalition partners are openly and, frankly, rather proudly homophobic. I don't even like the word homophobic. I mean, it's not just fear of them. It's active hostility16 against them. You know, anybody can be discriminated17 against if the law allows it. Now, that's before even getting to religion and state because this is a very religious government. They would like to essentially force religious practice on all Israelis, particularly in terms of keeping the Sabbath, which is no less than religious coercion18 for anybody who is not as Orthodox as the most Orthodox coalition members. And they're a minority.
And, of course, the ramifications19 for the West Bank - this government is certainly planning to create legislation that would advance annexation20, legalize settlements, expand settlements, reinstate legislation that had been struck down by the Supreme21 Court because it involves the theft of private Palestinian land and anything else that will perpetuate22 Israel's occupation and de facto sovereignty over all of the West Bank and effective control over Gaza.
INSKEEP: I want to note that these are things that members of the governing coalition have proposed or discussed rather than done. Netanyahu says he's not going to let them do anything too extreme. Are there any signs that the prime minister will restrain the more extreme members of his group?
SCHEINDLIN: Yeah, there's a very common perception that Netanyahu is actually moderate and he simply depends on these right-wing coalition partners, but that he will certainly restrain them when it comes down to it. Now, in the past, he has restrained justice ministers that have already been taking the position of trying to weaken the independence of the judiciary and the authority of judicial review in previous years. But that kind of restraint was before Netanyahu himself was standing23 trial on three counts of corruption24. Nevertheless, over the course of the last decade, Netanyahu has also nurtured25 and essentially rewarded and promoted the very figures both within his party and within his coalition partners who have been conducting these attacks on the court over the course of a decade.
So calling on people to trust him is not a constitutional check and balance on power. The very idea of a liberal democracy is that the institutions are responsible for guaranteeing, you know, restraint on the state's power and preserving the rights of citizens. It is not a personalized system in which one person says we're going to destroy the entire system. You will have no institutional checks. But as long as you keep me in power, I will hold back the worst of the policies, no matter who his coalition partners would be. That is not a democratic approach to governance.
INSKEEP: Israeli newspaper columnist Dahlia Scheindlin, thank you so much.
SCHEINDLIN: Thank you for having me.
1 transcript | |
n.抄本,誊本,副本,肄业证书 | |
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2 coalition | |
n.结合体,同盟,结合,联合 | |
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3 columnist | |
n.专栏作家 | |
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4 dissenting | |
adj.不同意的 | |
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5 steering | |
n.操舵装置 | |
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6 frankly | |
adv.坦白地,直率地;坦率地说 | |
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7 poised | |
a.摆好姿势不动的 | |
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8 essentially | |
adv.本质上,实质上,基本上 | |
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9 demolish | |
v.拆毁(建筑物等),推翻(计划、制度等) | |
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10 judicial | |
adj.司法的,法庭的,审判的,明断的,公正的 | |
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11 override | |
vt.不顾,不理睬,否决;压倒,优先于 | |
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12 minor | |
adj.较小(少)的,较次要的;n.辅修学科;vi.辅修 | |
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13 portray | |
v.描写,描述;画(人物、景象等) | |
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14 constraining | |
强迫( constrain的现在分词 ); 强使; 限制; 约束 | |
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15 constituent | |
n.选民;成分,组分;adj.组成的,构成的 | |
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16 hostility | |
n.敌对,敌意;抵制[pl.]交战,战争 | |
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17 discriminated | |
分别,辨别,区分( discriminate的过去式和过去分词 ); 歧视,有差别地对待 | |
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18 coercion | |
n.强制,高压统治 | |
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19 ramifications | |
n.结果,后果( ramification的名词复数 ) | |
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20 annexation | |
n.吞并,合并 | |
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21 supreme | |
adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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22 perpetuate | |
v.使永存,使永记不忘 | |
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23 standing | |
n.持续,地位;adj.永久的,不动的,直立的,不流动的 | |
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24 corruption | |
n.腐败,堕落,贪污 | |
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25 nurtured | |
养育( nurture的过去式和过去分词 ); 培育; 滋长; 助长 | |
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