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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
Moderator: Ladies and Gentlemen: The President of the United States, Ronald Reagan.
President Reagan: Thank you. Thank you very much. Thank you very much. Thank you very much. Thank you very much.
And, Reverend Clergy1 all, Senator Hawkins, distinguished2 members of the Florida congressional delegation3, and all of you: I can't tell you how you have warmed my heart with your welcome. I'm delighted to be here today.
Those of you in the National Association of Evangelicals are known for your spiritual and humanitarian4 work. And I would be especially remiss5 if I didn't discharge right now one personal debt of gratitude6. Thank you for your prayers. Nancy and I have felt their presence many times in many ways. And believe me, for us they've made all the difference.
The other day in the East Room of the White House at a meeting there, someone asked me whether I was aware of all the people out there who were praying for the President. And I had to say, "Yes, I am. I've felt it. I believe in intercessionary prayer." But I couldn't help but say to that questioner after he'd asked the question that -- or at least say to them that if sometimes when he was praying he got a busy signal, it was just me in there ahead of him. I think I understand how Abraham Lincoln felt when he said, "I have been driven many times to my knees by the overwhelming conviction that I had nowhere else to go." From the joy and the good feeling of this conference, I go to a political reception. Now, I don't know why, but that bit of scheduling reminds me of a story which I'll share with you.
An evangelical minister and a politician arrived at Heaven's gate one day together. And St. Peter, after doing all the necessary formalities, took them in hand to show them where their quarters would be. And he took them to a small, single room with a bed, a chair, and a table and said this was for the clergyman. And the politician was a little worried about what might be in store for him. And he couldn't believe it then when St. Peter stopped in front of a beautiful mansion7 with lovely grounds, many servants, and told him that these would be his quarters.
And he couldn't help but ask, he said, "But wait, how -- there's something wrong -- how do I get this mansion while that good and holy man only gets a single room?" And St. Peter said, "You have to understand how things are up here. We've got thousands and thousands of clergy. You're the first politician who ever made it."
But I don't want to contribute to a stereotype8. So I tell you there are a great many God-fearing, dedicated9, noble men and women in public life, present company included. And yes, we need your help to keep us ever-mindful of the ideas and the principles that brought us into the public arena10 in the first place. The basis of those ideals and principles is a commitment to freedom and personal liberty that, itself is grounded in the much deeper realization11 that freedom prospers12 only where the blessings13 of God are avidly14 sought and humbly15 accepted.
The American experiment in democracy rests on this insight. Its discovery was the great triumph of our Founding Fathers, voiced by William Penn when he said: "If we will not be governed by God, we must be governed by tyrants16." Explaining the inalienable rights of men, Jefferson said, "The God who gave us life, gave us liberty at the same time." And it was George Washington who said that "of all the dispositions17 and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports."
And finally, that shrewdest of all observers of American democracy, Alexis de Tocqueville, put it eloquently18 after he had gone on a search for the secret of America's greatness and genius -- and he said: "Not until I went into the churches of America and heard her pulpits aflame with righteousness did I understand the greatness and the genius of America. America is good. And if America ever ceases to be good, America will cease to be great."
Well, I'm pleased to be here today with you who are keeping America great by keeping her good. Only through your work and prayers and those of millions of others can we hope to survive this perilous19 century and keep alive this experiment in liberty, this last, best hope of man.
I want you to know that this administration is motivated by a political philosophy that sees the greatness of America in you, her people, and in your families, churches, neighborhoods, communities: the institutions that foster and nourish values like concern for others and respect for the rule of law under God.
Now, I don't have to tell you that this puts us in opposition20 to, or at least out of step with, a -- a prevailing21 attitude of many who have turned to a modern-day secularism22, discarding the tried and time-tested values upon which our very civilization is based. No matter how well intentioned, their value system is radically23 different from that of most Americans. And while they proclaim that they're freeing us from superstitions24 of the past, they've taken upon themselves the job of superintending us by government rule and regulation. Sometimes their voices are louder than ours, but they are not yet a majority.
An example of that vocal25 superiority is evident in a controversy26 now going on in Washington. And since I'm involved I've been waiting to hear from the parents of young America. How far are they willing to go in giving to government their prerogatives27 as parents?
Let me state the case as briefly28 and simply as I can. An organization of citizens, sincerely motivated, deeply concerned about the increase in illegitimate births and abortions30 involving girls well below the age of consent, some time ago established a nationwide network of clinics to offer help to these girls and, hopefully, alleviate31 this situation. Now, again, let me say, I do not fault their intent. However, in their well-intentioned effort, these clinics decided32 to provide advice and birth control drugs and devices to underage girls without the knowledge of their parents.
For some years now, the federal government has helped with funds to subsidize these clinics. In providing for this, the Congress decreed that every effort would be made to maximize parental33 participation34. Nevertheless, the drugs and devices are prescribed without getting parental consent or giving notification after they've done so. Girls termed "sexually active" -- and that has replaced the word "promiscuous35" -- are given this help in order to prevent illegitimate birth or abortion29.
Well, we have ordered clinics receiving federal funds to notify the parents such help has been given. One of the nation's leading newspapers has created the term "squeal36 rule" in editorializing against us for doing this, and we're being criticized for violating the privacy of young people. A judge has recently granted an injunction against an enforcement of our rule. I've watched TV panel shows discuss this issue, seen columnists37 pontificating on our error, but no one seems to mention morality as playing a part in the subject of sex.
Is all of Judeo-Christian tradition wrong? Are we to believe that something so sacred can be looked upon as a purely38 physical thing with no potential for emotional and psychological harm? And isn't it the parents' right to give counsel and advice to keep their children from making mistakes that may affect their entire lives?
Many of us in government would like to know what parents think about this intrusion in their family by government. We're going to fight in the courts. The right of parents and the rights of family take precedence over those of Washington-based bureaucrats39 and social engineers.
But the fight against parental notification is really only one example of many attempts to water down traditional values and even abrogate40 the original terms of American democracy. Freedom prospers when religion is vibrant41 and the rule of law under God is acknowledged. When our Founding Fathers passed the First Amendment42, they sought to protect churches from government interference. They never intended to construct a wall of hostility43 between government and the concept of religious belief itself.
The evidence of this permeates44 our history and our government. The Declaration of Independence mentions the Supreme45 Being no less than four times. "In God We Trust" is engraved46 on our coinage. The Supreme Court opens its proceedings47 with a religious invocation. And the members of Congress open their sessions with a prayer. I just happen to believe the schoolchildren of the United States are entitled to the same privileges as Supreme Court justices and congressmen.
Last year, I sent the Congress a constitutional amendment to restore prayer to public schools. Already this session, there's growing bipartisan support for the amendment, and I am calling on the Congress to act speedily to pass it and to let our children pray.
Perhaps some of you read recently about the Lubbock school case, where a judge actually ruled that it was unconstitutional for a school district to give equal treatment to religious and nonreligious student groups, even when the group meetings were being held during the students' own time. The First Amendment never intended to require government to discriminate48 against religious speech.
Senators Denton and Hatfield have proposed legislation in the Congress on the whole question of prohibiting discrimination against religious forms of student speech. Such legislation could go far to restore freedom of religious speech for public school students. And I hope the Congress considers these bills quickly. And with your help, I think it's possible we could also get the constitutional amendment through the Congress this year.
More than a decade ago, a Supreme Court decision literally49 wiped off the books of fifty states statutes50 protecting the rights of unborn children. Abortion on demand now takes the lives of up to one and a half million unborn children a year. Human life legislation ending this tragedy will someday pass the Congress, and you and I must never rest until it does. Unless and until it can be proven that the unborn child is not a living entity51, then its right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness must be protected.
You may remember that when abortion on demand began, many, and indeed, I'm sure many of you, warned that the practice would lead to a decline in respect for human life, that the philosophical52 premises53 used to justify54 abortion on demand would ultimately be used to justify other attacks on the sacredness of human life -- infanticide or mercy killing55. Tragically56 enough, those warnings proved all too true. Only last year a court permitted the death by starvation of a handicapped infant.
I have directed the Health and Human Services Department to make clear to every health care facility in the United States that the Rehabilitation57 Act of 1973 protects all handicapped persons against discrimination based on handicaps, including infants. And we have taken the further step of requiring that each and every recipient58 of federal funds who provides health care services to infants must post and keep posted in a conspicuous59 place a notice stating that "discriminatory failure to feed and care for handicapped infants in this facility is prohibited by federal law." It also lists a twenty-four-hour; toll-free number so that nurses and others may report violations60 in time to save the infant's life.
In addition, recent legislation introduced by -- in the Congress by Representative Henry Hyde of Illinois not only increases restrictions61 on publicly financed abortions, it also addresses this whole problem of infanticide. I urge the Congress to begin hearings and to adopt legislation that will protect the right of life to all children, including the disabled or handicapped.
Now, I'm sure that you must get discouraged at times, but there you've done better than you know, perhaps. There's a great spiritual awakening62 in America, a renewal63 of the traditional values that have been the bedrock of America's goodness and greatness.
One recent survey by a Washington-based research council concluded that Americans were far more religious than the people of other nations; 95 percent of those surveyed expressed a belief in God and a huge majority believed the Ten Commandments had real meaning in their lives. And another study has found that an overwhelming majority of Americans disapprove64 of adultery, teenage sex, pornography, abortion, and hard drugs. And this same study showed a deep reverence65 for the importance of family ties and religious belief.
I think the items that we've discussed here today must be a key part of the nation's political agenda. For the first time the Congress is openly and seriously debating and dealing66 with the prayer and abortion issues and that's enormous progress right there. I repeat: America is in the midst of a spiritual awakening and a moral renewal. And with your biblical keynote, I say today, "Yes, let justice roll on like a river, righteousness like a never-failing stream."
Now, obviously, much of this new political and social consensus67 I've talked about is based on a positive view of American history, one that takes pride in our country's accomplishments68 and record. But we must never forget that no government schemes are going to perfect man. We know that living in this world means dealing with what philosophers would call the phenomenology of evil or, as theologians would put it, the doctrine69 of sin.
There is sin and evil in the world, and we're enjoined70 by Scripture71 and the Lord Jesus to oppose it with all our might. Our nation, too, has a legacy72 of evil with which it must deal. The glory of this land has been its capacity for transcending73 the moral evils of our past. For example, the long struggle of minority citizens for equal rights, once a source of disunity and civil war is now a point of pride for all Americans. We must never go back. There is no room for racism74, anti-Semitism, or other forms of ethnic75 and racial hatred76 in this country.
I know that you've been horrified77, as have I, by the resurgence78 of some hate groups preaching bigotry79 and prejudice. Use the mighty80 voice of your pulpits and the powerful standing81 of your churches to denounce and isolate82 these hate groups in our midst. The commandment given us is clear and simple: "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself."
But whatever sad episodes exist in our past, any objective observer must hold a positive view of American history, a history that has been the story of hopes fulfilled and dreams made into reality. Especially in this century, America has kept alight the torch of freedom, but not just for ourselves but for millions of others around the world.
And this brings me to my final point today. During my first press conference as president, in answer to a direct question, I pointed83 out that, as good Marxist-Leninists, the Soviet84 leaders have openly and publicly declared that the only morality they recognize is that which will further their cause, which is world revolution. I think I should point out I was only quoting Lenin, their guiding spirit, who said in 1920 that they repudiate85 all morality that proceeds from supernatural ideas -- that's their name for religion -- or ideas that are outside class conceptions. Morality is entirely86 subordinate to the interests of class war. And everything is moral that is necessary for the annihilation of the old, exploiting social order and for uniting the proletariat.
Well, I think the refusal of many influential87 people to accept this elementary fact of Soviet doctrine illustrates88 a historical reluctance89 to see totalitarian powers for what they are. We saw this phenomenon in the 1930s. We see it too often today.
This doesn't mean we should isolate ourselves and refuse to seek an understanding with them. I intend to do everything I can to persuade them of our peaceful intent, to remind them that it was the West that refused to use its nuclear monopoly in the forties and fifties for territorial90 gain and which now proposes 50 percent cut in strategic ballistic missiles and the elimination91 of an entire class of land-based, intermediate-range nuclear missiles.
At the same time, however, they must be made to understand we will never compromise our principles and standards. We will never give away our freedom. We will never abandon our belief in God. And we will never stop searching for a genuine peace. But we can assure none of these things America stands for through the so-called nuclear freeze solutions proposed by some.
The truth is that a freeze now would be a very dangerous fraud, for that is merely the illusion of peace. The reality is that we must find peace through strength.
I would agree to a freeze if only we could freeze the Soviets92' global desires. A freeze at current levels of weapons would remove any incentive93 for the Soviets to negotiate seriously in Geneva and virtually end our chances to achieve the major arms reductions which we have proposed. Instead, they would achieve their objectives through the freeze.
A freeze would reward the Soviet Union for its enormous and unparalleled military buildup. It would prevent the essential and long overdue94 modernization95 of United States and allied96 defenses and would leave our aging forces increasingly vulnerable. And an honest freeze would require extensive prior negotiations97 on the systems and numbers to be limited and on the measures to ensure effective verification and compliance98. And the kind of a freeze that has been suggested would be virtually impossible to verify. Such a major effort would divert us completely from our current negotiations on achieving substantial reductions.
A number of years ago, I heard a young father, a very prominent young man in the entertainment world, addressing a tremendous gathering99 in California. It was during the time of the cold war, and communism and our own way of life were very much on people's minds. And he was speaking to that subject. And suddenly, though, I heard him saying, "I love my little girls more than anything." And I said to myself, "Oh, no, don't. You can't -- don't say that." But I had underestimated him. He went on: "I would rather see my little girls die now; still believing in God, than have them grow up under communism and one day die no longer believing in God."
There were thousands of young people in that audience. They came to their feet with shouts of joy. They had instantly recognized the profound truth in what he had said, with regard to the physical and the soul and what was truly important.
Yes, let us pray for the salvation100 of all of those who live in that totalitarian darkness. Pray they will discover the joy of knowing God. But until they do, let us be aware that while they preach the supremacy101 of the State, declare its omnipotence102 over individual man, and predict its eventual103 domination of all peoples on the earth, they are the focus of evil in the modern world.
It was C.S. Lewis who, in his unforgettable Screw Tape Letters, wrote: "The greatest evil is not done now in those sordid104 'dens105 of crime' that Dickens loved to paint. It is not even done in concentration camps and labor106 camps. In those we see its final result. But it is conceived and ordered; moved, seconded, carried and minuted in clear, carpeted, warmed, and well-lighted offices, by quiet men with white collars and cut fingernails and smooth-shaven cheeks who do not need to raise their voice."
Well, because these quiet men do not raise their voices, because they sometimes speak in soothing107 tones of brotherhood108 and peace, because, like other dictators before them, they're always making "their final territorial demand," some would have us accept them at their word and accommodate ourselves to their aggressive impulses. But if history teaches anything, it teaches that simpleminded appeasement109 or wishful thinking about our adversaries110 is folly111. It means the betrayal of our past, the squandering112 of our freedom.
So, I urge you to speak out against those who would place the United States in a position of military and moral inferiority. You know, I've always believed that old Screw Tape reserved his best efforts for those of you in the Church. So, in your discussions of the nuclear freeze proposals, I urge you to beware the temptation of pride --the temptation of blithely113 declaring yourselves above it all and label both sides equally at fault, to ignore the facts of history and the aggressive impulses of an evil empire, to simply call the arms race a giant misunderstanding and thereby114 remove yourself from the struggle between right and wrong and good and evil.
I ask you to resist the attempts of those who would have you withhold115 your support for our efforts, this administration's efforts, to keep America strong and free, while we negotiate real and verifiable reductions in the world's nuclear arsenals116 and one day, with God's help, their total elimination.
While America's military strength is important, let me add here that I've always maintained that the struggle now going on for the world will never be decided by bombs or rockets, by armies or military might. The real crisis we face today is a spiritual one; at root, it is a test of moral will and faith.
Whittaker Chambers117, the man whose own religious conversion118 made him a witness to one of the terrible traumas119 of our time, the Hiss-Chambers case, wrote that the crisis of the Western world exists to the degree in which the West is indifferent to God, the degree to which it collaborates120 in communism's attempt to make man stand alone without God. And then he said, for Marxism-Leninism is actually the second-oldest faith, first proclaimed in the Garden of Eden with the words of temptation, "Ye shall be as gods."
The Western world can answer this challenge, he wrote, "but only provided that its faith in God and the freedom He enjoins121 is as great as communism's faith in Man."
I believe we shall rise to the challenge. I believe that communism is another sad, bizarre chapter in human history whose last -- last pages even now are being written. I believe this because the source of our strength in the quest for human freedom is not material, but spiritual. And because it knows no limitation, it must terrify and ultimately triumph over those who would enslave their fellow man. For in the words of Isaiah: "He giveth power to the faint; and to them that have no might He increased strength. But they that wait upon the Lord shall renew their strength; they shall mount up with wings as eagles; they shall run, and not be weary. "
Yes, change your world. One of our Founding Fathers, Thomas Paine, said, "We have it within our power to begin the world over again." We can do it, doing together what no one church could do by itself.
God bless you and thank you very much.
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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delegation
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| n.代表团；派遣 | |
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humanitarian
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| n.人道主义者，博爱者，基督凡人论者 | |
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remiss
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| adj.不小心的，马虎 | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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mansion
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| n.大厦，大楼；宅第 | |
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stereotype
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| n.固定的形象，陈规，老套，旧框框 | |
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dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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arena
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| n.竞技场，运动场所；竞争场所，舞台 | |
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realization
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| n.实现；认识到，深刻了解 | |
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prospers
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| v.成功，兴旺( prosper的第三人称单数 ) | |
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blessings
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| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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avidly
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| adv.渴望地，热心地 | |
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humbly
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| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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dispositions
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| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
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eloquently
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| adv. 雄辩地(有口才地, 富于表情地) | |
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perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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secularism
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| n.现世主义；世俗主义；宗教与教育分离论；政教分离论 | |
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radically
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| ad.根本地，本质地 | |
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superstitions
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| 迷信，迷信行为( superstition的名词复数 ) | |
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vocal
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| adj.直言不讳的；嗓音的；n.[pl.]声乐节目 | |
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controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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prerogatives
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| n.权利( prerogative的名词复数 )；特权；大主教法庭；总督委任组成的法庭 | |
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briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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abortion
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| n.流产，堕胎 | |
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abortions
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| n.小产( abortion的名词复数 )；小产胎儿；（计划）等中止或夭折；败育 | |
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alleviate
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| v.减轻，缓和，缓解(痛苦等) | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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parental
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| adj.父母的；父的；母的 | |
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participation
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| n.参与，参加，分享 | |
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promiscuous
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| adj.杂乱的，随便的 | |
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squeal
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| v.发出长而尖的声音；n.长而尖的声音 | |
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columnists
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| n.专栏作家( columnist的名词复数 ) | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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bureaucrats
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| n.官僚( bureaucrat的名词复数 )；官僚主义；官僚主义者；官僚语言 | |
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abrogate
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| v.废止，废除 | |
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vibrant
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| adj.震颤的，响亮的，充满活力的，精力充沛的，(色彩)鲜明的 | |
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amendment
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| n.改正，修正，改善，修正案 | |
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hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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permeates
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| 弥漫( permeate的第三人称单数 )； 遍布； 渗入； 渗透 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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engraved
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| v.在（硬物）上雕刻（字，画等）( engrave的过去式和过去分词 )；将某事物深深印在（记忆或头脑中） | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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discriminate
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| v.区别，辨别，区分；有区别地对待 | |
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literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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statutes
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| 成文法( statute的名词复数 )； 法令； 法规； 章程 | |
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entity
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| n.实体，独立存在体，实际存在物 | |
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philosophical
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| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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53
premises
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| n.建筑物，房屋 | |
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54
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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55
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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56
tragically
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| adv. 悲剧地，悲惨地 | |
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57
rehabilitation
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| n.康复，悔过自新，修复，复兴，复职，复位 | |
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58
recipient
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| a.接受的,感受性强的 n.接受者,感受者,容器 | |
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59
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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60
violations
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| 违反( violation的名词复数 )； 冒犯； 违反（行为、事例）； 强奸 | |
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61
restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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62
awakening
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| n.觉醒，醒悟 adj.觉醒中的；唤醒的 | |
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63
renewal
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| adj.(契约)延期，续订，更新，复活，重来 | |
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64
disapprove
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| v.不赞成，不同意，不批准 | |
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65
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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66
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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67
consensus
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| n.(意见等的)一致，一致同意，共识 | |
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68
accomplishments
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| n.造诣；完成( accomplishment的名词复数 )；技能；成绩；成就 | |
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69
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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70
enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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71
scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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72
legacy
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| n.遗产，遗赠；先人(或过去)留下的东西 | |
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73
transcending
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| 超出或超越（经验、信念、描写能力等）的范围( transcend的现在分词 )； 优于或胜过… | |
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74
racism
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| n.民族主义；种族歧视(意识) | |
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75
ethnic
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| adj.人种的，种族的，异教徒的 | |
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76
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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77
horrified
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| a.(表现出)恐惧的 | |
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78
resurgence
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| n.再起，复活，再现 | |
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79
bigotry
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| n.偏见，偏执，持偏见的行为[态度]等 | |
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80
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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81
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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82
isolate
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| vt.使孤立，隔离 | |
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83
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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84
Soviet
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| adj.苏联的，苏维埃的；n.苏维埃 | |
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85
repudiate
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| v.拒绝，拒付，拒绝履行 | |
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86
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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87
influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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88
illustrates
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| 给…加插图( illustrate的第三人称单数 )； 说明； 表明； （用示例、图画等）说明 | |
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89
reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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90
territorial
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| adj.领土的，领地的 | |
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91
elimination
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| n.排除，消除，消灭 | |
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92
soviets
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| 苏维埃（Soviet的复数形式） | |
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93
incentive
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| n.刺激；动力；鼓励；诱因；动机 | |
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94
overdue
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| adj.过期的，到期未付的；早该有的，迟到的 | |
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95
modernization
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| n.现代化，现代化的事物 | |
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96
allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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97
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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98
compliance
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| n.顺从；服从；附和；屈从 | |
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99
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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100
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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101
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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102
omnipotence
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| n.全能，万能，无限威力 | |
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103
eventual
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| adj.最后的，结局的，最终的 | |
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104
sordid
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| adj.肮脏的，不干净的，卑鄙的，暗淡的 | |
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105
dens
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| n.牙齿，齿状部分；兽窝( den的名词复数 )；窝点；休息室；书斋 | |
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106
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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107
soothing
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| adj.慰藉的；使人宽心的；镇静的 | |
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108
brotherhood
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| n.兄弟般的关系，手中情谊 | |
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109
appeasement
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| n.平息，满足 | |
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110
adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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111
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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112
squandering
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| v.（指钱，财产等）浪费，乱花( squander的现在分词 ) | |
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113
blithely
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| adv.欢乐地，快活地，无挂虑地 | |
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114
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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115
withhold
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| v.拒绝，不给；使停止，阻挡 | |
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116
arsenals
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| n.兵工厂，军火库( arsenal的名词复数 )；任何事物的集成 | |
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117
chambers
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| n.房间( chamber的名词复数 )；（议会的）议院；卧室；会议厅 | |
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118
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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119
traumas
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| n.心灵创伤( trauma的名词复数 )；损伤；痛苦经历；挫折 | |
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120
collaborates
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| 合作( collaborate的第三人称单数 )； 勾结叛国 | |
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121
enjoins
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| v.命令( enjoin的第三人称单数 ) | |
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