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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
Hari Sreenivasan: As we reflect on John Lewis' Civil Rights legacy1 amid the on-going demonstrations2 in support of Black Lives Matter, author Mikki Kendall says it's also time for a moment of reckoning for modern-day feminism. Her book "Hood3 Feminism: Notes From The Women That A Movement Forgot" is a New York Times best seller and addresses the issues surrounding black feminism. NewsHour Weekend's Christopher Booker has more.
哈里·斯雷尼瓦桑:当我们反思约翰·刘易斯在支持“黑人生命重要”的示威活动中留下的民权遗产时,作家米基·肯德尔说,现在也是思考现代女权主义的时刻了。她的书《胡德女权主义:被一场运动所遗忘的女性》是《纽约时报》的畅销书,它阐述了围绕黑人女权主义的问题。今天的《新闻一小时周末》将带来克里斯托弗·布克的报道。
Christopher Booker: Despite having written extensively about gender4, intersectionality and sexual assault, writer Mikki Kendall considers herself only an occasional feminist5. In her most recent writing, The NY Times best seller Hood Feminism, Kendall lays bare just how and why she at times struggles to find common cause with modern feminism.
克里斯托弗·布克:尽管写过大量关于性别、交叉性和性侵犯的文章,作家米基·肯德尔认为自己只是偶尔的女权主义者。在她最近的一本书《纽约时报》畅销书《胡德女权主义》中,肯德尔揭示了她如何以及为什么有时要努力寻找现代女权主义的共同事业。
Mikki Kendall: Hood feminism is the feminism of the working class of people who live in inner cities, rural communities, who absolutely have to make a way out of no way, regardless of jargon6. You know, the banner buzz words and it's not that identity doesn't matter. It's that survival comes first. If you've never had to worry about hunger or homelessness or any of these other things, if you think of them as separate issues that affect those amorphous7 people over there because your world is one in which you're focused on how to be a CEO, you're focused on how to get promoted. You're focused on how to be president. Those are the needs you make feminism about and it's not that those things couldn't theoretically be important, but it means then that you're alienating8 all of the other people who are saying, hey, over here. Food stamps, clean water, safe housing. Right. And so it becomes a thing where the people with the loudest might are not necessarily the people with the greatest need.
米基·肯德尔:胡德女权主义是生活在中心城市、农村社区的工人阶级的女权主义,他们绝对必须不受任何限制,不管别人如何讲。你知道的,横幅上的广告词和身份并不重要。生存是第一位的。如果你从来不用担心饥饿、无家可归或其他任何事情,如果你把它们看作是影响那些毫无条理的人的独立问题,因为你的世界是一个你专注于如何成为CEO的世界,你关注的是如何得到提升。你关注的是如何当总统。这些是你宣传女权主义的目的,并不是说这些东西在理论上不重要,但这意味着你疏远了所有其他人,他们说嘿,这里,食物券,干净的水,安全的住房,没错。所以事情就变成了,拥有最大嗓门的人不一定是最需要的人。
Christopher Booker: How and why has this been absent from the modern conversation that surrounds feminism?
克里斯托弗·布克:在围绕女权主义的现代对话中,这是如何以及为什么没有出现的?
Mikki Kendall: I think because for a lot of people, they don't have to think about it. Right. We've created this narrative9. Colorblindness is what we call it. Right. That's supposed to be the goal. Well, if we're ignoring race, cool, except race impacts literally10 everything in American society. Right. And yet race is supposed to be a social construct, but it's a social contract with plenty of teeth. So then we get into this place where your race is a predictor of your class. And therefore, if you are not below the poverty line, near the poverty line and if no one in your family, your immediate11 social circle is you can really narrow your focus into what impacts you.
米基·肯德尔:我想是因为对很多人来说,他们不必考虑这个问题。没错。我们创造了这个故事。色盲就是我们所说的色盲,没错,这应该是我们的目标。嗯嗯,如果我们忽视种族,很酷,除了种族影响了美国社会的一切。没错,然而,种族本应是一种社会结构,但它是一种有很多牙齿的社会契约。所以我们就进入了这样一个地方,你的种族是你的阶级的预测器。因此,如果你不在贫困线以下,在贫困线附近,如果你的家庭中没有人,你的直接社交圈就是你可以把你的注意力集中在对你有影响的事情上。
Christopher Booker: How has social media changed the way you are approaching this conversation or engaging in the conversation?
克里斯托弗·布克:社交媒体如何改变了你进行对话或参与对话的方式?
Mikki Kendall: A lot of these conversations were happening in private, now they're happening in public, they're happening on social media and then because they're happening in a way where it's accessible. You know, I'm old enough to remember before the internet and in 1992, I would not have been able to talk to a feminist in Egypt about their concerns in the way that I can now. I would not have been able to have a back and forth12 conversation with someone in India about feminism and women, girls education and the fact that educated girls uplifted entire economy regardless of where you are in the world. In a two second interaction. But now you can have that conversation 24 hours a day.
米基·肯德尔:很多这样的对话都是在私下里进行的,现在是在公共场合,在社交媒体上,然后是因为他们是以一种可以访问的方式进行的。你知道,在互联网出现之前,我已经足够大了,在1992年,我不可能像现在这样和埃及的女权主义者谈论他们的担忧。我不可能和印度的人就女权主义和女性、女孩进行反复的交谈,还有女孩教育,事实是,受过教育的女孩提升了整个经济,不管你在世界上的哪个地方。在两秒钟的互动中。但现在你可以一天24小时进行这种对话了。
Christopher Booker: Given the dynamics13 of all of this, is it possible for mainstream14 feminism to expand the sphere of concern?
克里斯托弗·布克:鉴于这一切的动态,主流女权主义是否有可能扩大关注范围?
Mikki Kendall: I absolutely think it's possible. I think it's necessary, actually, because as as the wealth gap grows, as income inequality and all of these other things are growing, we're hitting a situation where feminism is going to really want all of these communities to show up, to vote with it, to do all of these things. People are not altruistic15 enough to hope that supporting white women will eventually trickle16 down to women of color or communities of color. How feminist are we if we're not looking out for the people who build these institutions and sustained that wealth. You know, Lean In worked to make some people a CEO. But I think we've got, what, 30 women CEOs or something like that, maybe 300 in the entire country? That's not a number that helps. At some point we have to talk about the fact that women are slightly more than half of the world's population and in most places are getting almost nowhere in terms of ongoing17, sustainable equality. Not to say that there are places that are better than others, but we're doing this where two steps forward, one step back dance with actual equality.
米基·肯德尔:我绝对认为这是可能的。事实上,我认为这是必要的,因为随着贫富差距的扩大,收入不平等和所有其他问题的加剧,我们遇到了一种情况,女权主义将真正希望所有这些社区出现,与之投票,做所有这些事情。人们没有足够的利他主义来希望支持白人妇女最终会落到有色人种妇女或有色人种社区。如果我们不去寻找建立这些机构并维持财富的人,我们有多女权主义。你知道吗,“向前一步 ”组织让一些人成为首席执行官。我想我们有30个女CEO,整个国家大概300个?这不是一个有用的数字。在某种程度上,我们不得不谈论这样一个事实:妇女占世界人口的一半多一点,而且在大多数地方,在持续的、可持续的平等方面几乎一无所获。不是说有些地方比其他地方更好,但我们做的是向前两步,后退一步,真正实现平等。
1 legacy | |
n.遗产,遗赠;先人(或过去)留下的东西 | |
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2 demonstrations | |
证明( demonstration的名词复数 ); 表明; 表达; 游行示威 | |
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3 hood | |
n.头巾,兜帽,覆盖;v.罩上,以头巾覆盖 | |
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4 gender | |
n.(生理上的)性,(名词、代词等的)性 | |
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5 feminist | |
adj.主张男女平等的,女权主义的 | |
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6 jargon | |
n.术语,行话 | |
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7 amorphous | |
adj.无定形的 | |
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8 alienating | |
v.使疏远( alienate的现在分词 );使不友好;转让;让渡(财产等) | |
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9 narrative | |
n.叙述,故事;adj.叙事的,故事体的 | |
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10 literally | |
adv.照字面意义,逐字地;确实 | |
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11 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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12 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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13 dynamics | |
n.力学,动力学,动力,原动力;动态 | |
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14 mainstream | |
n.(思想或行为的)主流;adj.主流的 | |
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15 altruistic | |
adj.无私的,为他人着想的 | |
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16 trickle | |
vi.淌,滴,流出,慢慢移动,逐渐消散 | |
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17 ongoing | |
adj.进行中的,前进的 | |
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