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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
导言阅读
埃米琳·潘克赫斯特（1858—1928），极富有战斗精神的英国女权运动者、妇女选举权的积极倡导者。为英国妇女获得完全平等的选举权斗争40年，临终时获得了最终胜利。这篇演讲发表于其出游美国期间，演讲以其亲身经历，阐述了妇女争取平等政治权利的艰难，以及社会所施加的种种迫害。整篇演讲恰如其人，充满战斗的激情和无畏的气概：要么被剥夺自由和生命，要么赢得选举权。直到1928年，英国妇女才被赋予与男子一样的投票权利。
演讲实录
I do not come here as an advocate , because whatever position the suffrage1 movement mayoccupy in the United States of America, in England it has passed beyond the realm of advocacyand it has entered into the sphere of practical politics. It has become the subject of revolution andcivil war, and so tonight I am not here to advocate woman suffrage. American suffragists can dothat very well for themselves.
I am here as a soldier who has temporarily left the field of battle in order to explain-it seemsstrange it should have to be explained-what civil war is like when civil war is waged by women. Iam not only here as a soldier temporarily absent from the field of battle; I am here-and that, Ithink, is the strangest part of my coming-I am here as a person who, according to the law courts ofmy country, it has been decided2, is of no value to the community at all; and I am adjudged becauseof my life to be a dangerous person, under sentence of penal3 servitude in a convict prison. So yousee there is some special interest in hearing so unusual a person address you. I dare say, in theminds of many of you-you will perhaps forgive me this personal touch-that I do not look eithervery like a soldier or very like a convict, and yet I am both.
It would take too long to trace the course of militant4 methods as adopted by women, becauseit is about eight years since the word militant was first used to describe what we were doing; it isabout eight years since the first militant action was taken by women. It was not militant at all,except that it provoked militancy5 on the part of those who were opposed to it. When women askedquestions in political meetings and failed to get answers, they were not doing anything militant. Toask questions at political meetings is an acknowledged right of all people who attend publicmeetings; certainly in my country, men have always done it, and I hope they do it in America,because it seems to me that if you allow people to enter your legislatures without asking them anyquestions as to what they are going to do when they get there you are not exercising your citizenrights and your citizen duties as you ought. At any rate in Great Britain it is a custom, a timehonored one, to ask questions of candidates for Parliament and ask questions of members of thegovernment. No man was ever put out of a public meeting for asking a question until Votes forWomen came onto the political horizon. The first people who were put out of a political meetingfor asking questions, were women; they were brutally6 ill-used; they found themselves in jailbefore twenty-four hours had expired. But instead of the newspapers, which are largely inspiredby the politicians, putting militancy and the reproach of militancy, if reproach there is, on thepeople who had assaulted the women, they actually said it was the women who were militant andvery much to blame.
It was not the speakers on the platform who would not answer them, who were to blame, orthe ushers7 at the meeting; it was the poor women who had their bruises8 and their knocks andscratches, and who were put into prison for doing precisely9 nothing but holding a protest meetingin the street after it was all over. However, we were called militant for doing that, and we werequite willing to accept the name, because militancy for us is time honored; you have the churchmilitant and in the sense of spiritual militancy we were very militant indeed. We were determinedto press this question of the enfranchisement10 of the women to the point where we were no longerto be ignored by the politicians as had been the case for about fifty years, during which timewomen had patiently used every means open to them to win their political enfranchisement.
Experience will show you that if you really want to get anything done, it is not so much amatter of whether you alienate11 sympathy ; sympathy is a very unsatisfactory thing if it is notpractical sympathy. It does not matter to the practical suffragist whether she alienates12 sympathythat was never of any use to her. What she wants is to get something practical done, and whether itis done out of sympathy or whether it is done out of fear, or whether it is done because you wantto be comfortable again and not be worried in this way, doesn't particularly matter so long as youget it. We had enough of sympathy for fifty years; it never brought us anything; and we wouldrather have an angry man going to the government and saying, my business is interfered13 with and Iwon't submit to its being interfered with any longer because you won't give women the vote, thanto have a gentleman come onto our platforms year in and year out and talk about his ardentsympathy with woman suffrage.
“Put them in prison,” they said: “that will stop it.” But it didn't stop it. They put women inprison for long terms of imprisonment14, for making a nuisance of themselves — that was theexpression when they took petitions in their hands to the door of the House of Commons; and theythought that by sending them to prison, giving them a day's imprisonment, would cause them to allsettle down again and there would be no further trouble. But it didn't happen so at all: instead ofthe women giving it up, more women did it, and more and more and more women did it until therewere three hundred women at a time, who had not broken a single law, only “made a nuisance ofthemselves” as the politicians say.
The whole argument with the anti-suffragists, or even the critical suffragist man, is this: thatyou can govern human beings without their consent. They have said to us, “Government restsupon force; the women haven't force, so they must submit.” Well, we are showing them thatgovernment does not rest upon force at all; it rests upon consent. As long as women consent to beunjustly governed, they can be; but directly women say: We withhold15 our consent, we will not begoverned any longer so long as that government is unjust, not by the forces of civil war can yougovern the very weakest woman. You can kill that woman, but she escapes you then; you cannotgovern her. And that is, I think, a most valuable demonstration16 we have been making to the world.
Now, I want to say to you who think women cannot succeed, we have brought thegovernment of England to this position, that it has to face this alternative ; either women are to bekilled or women are to have the vote. I ask American men in this meeting, what would you say ifin your State you were faced with that alternative, that you must either kill them or give them theircitizenship, women, many of whom you respect, women whom you know have lived useful lives,women whom you know, even if you do not know them personally, are animated17 with the highestmotives, women who are in pursuit of liberty and the power to do useful public service? Well,there is only one answer to that alternative; there is only one way out of it, unless you are preparedto put back civilization two or three generations; you must give those women the vote. Now that isthe outcome of our civil war.
You won your freedom in America when you had the Revolution, by bloodshed, bysacrificing human life. You won the Civil War by the sacrifice of human life when you decided toemancipate the negro. You have left it to the women in your land, the men of all civilizedcountries have left it to women, to work out their own salvation19 . That is the way in which wewomen of England are doing. Human life for us is sacred , but we say if any life is to besacrificed it shall be ours; we won't do it ourselves, but we will put the enemy in the positionwhere they will have to choose between giving us freedom or giving us death.
参考译文
今天我到这里来，不是为了宣传，因为不论争取妇女选举权的运动在美国居于何等地位，这个运动在英国已经超出了宣传的范围而进入了实际政治活动的阶段。它已成为革命和内战的主题，所以我今晚不是来宣传妇女选举权的。美国争取妇女选举权的人能很好地开展她们自己的工作。我是作为一个暂时离开战场的士兵来到这里的，为了解释妇女所发动的内战是什么样子——对这一点还得进行解释，这看来似乎很奇怪。我不仅是作为一名暂时离开战场的士兵来到这里，而且——我认为这是我此行的最奇怪的方面——是作为一个被自己国家的法庭判定为对社会毫无价值的人而来参加这个集会的；由于我的活动，我被认定为危险人物，被判处在监狱中服苦役刑。所以，你们看，听这样一个不寻常的人向你们讲话是有一种特殊趣味的。我敢说，在你们许多人心目中——你们或许会原谅我这种个人的风格——我看起来既不很像士兵，又不很像囚犯，可是事实上我是集这二者于一身的。
追溯妇女采取战斗性方法的经过需要很长的时间，因为第一次用战斗一词来说明我们的活动是在8年以前；妇女第一次采取战斗行动已经8年了。其实，这种活动除了激起那些反对它的人的好斗性外，根本不是好斗的。妇女在政治集会上提出的问题没有得到答复，可她们没有采取任何激烈行动。在政治集会上提出问题是所有公共集会参加者的被认可的权利；在我的国家里，男人们是经常那样做的，我希望他们在美国也那样做，因为，在我看来，如果你们让某些人进入立法机构而不问他们在那里将做些什么，你们就没有行使和履行公民应有的权利和应尽的义务。不论怎么说，在大不列颠，向议员候选人和政府成员提出问题是一种习惯，一种由来已久的习惯。在妇女选举权问题出现于政治领域之前，没有人因为提了一个问题而被排除于公众集会之外。由于提出问题而被排除于政治集会之外的第一批人是妇女；她们受到残酷的折磨；她们发现在24小时的期限终止以前自己已被关进监狱。听命于政治家的一些报纸不是把好斗的罪名和对好斗的责备放在那些攻击妇女的人身上，而是声称好斗者全属妇女，妇女应该受到严厉的谴责。
被打得浑身青紫、伤痕累累的，不是那些不愿回答问题、应加以谴责的在讲台上讲话的人，也不是会议上的招待员，而是可怜的妇女，她们仅仅因为在街上举行了抗议集会，会后即被捕，投入监狱了。然而，我们竟因那种活动而被称为好斗。我们很愿意接受这种名声，因为对我们来说战斗性是历史悠久、值得尊重的，你们不是有“战斗教会”吗？就精神上的战斗性而言，我们的确是十分好斗的。我们决心促使给予妇女以选举权的问题得到解决，以便使我们不再像以往50年中为政治家所忽视，50年来妇女们耐心地使用了一切可用的方法以赢得政治选举权。
经验将向你们表明，如果你真想做成一件事，那么你是否失去同情无关紧要。如果没有实际的作用，同情是非常不能令人满意的。对于注重实效的争取妇女选举权的人来说，她并不在乎是否失去那从未起过作用的同情。她所需要的是办成某件实事，至于办成这件事是出于同情还是恐惧，还是由于人们企盼重享安宁而不在这方面再有烦恼，只要这件事已办成，就都没有什么特别要紧的了。50年间我们得到过足够多的同情，却从未因而得益；与其看到一位绅士年复一年地走上我们的讲台侈谈他对妇女选举权的热忱，还不如看到一个愤怒的男人去对政府说，我的生意受到了阻碍，我不能容忍由于你们不给妇女选举权而使我的事业继续受到干扰。
有人说：“把她们关进监狱就能阻止她们的活动。”但是她们没有停止活动。他们把妇女投入监狱，处以长期徒刑，理由是她们招人厌恶——这是他们手持请求书走向下议院大门时说的原话；他们以为把她们送进监狱，哪怕只关一天，就足以使她们安静下来，就不会再有麻烦了。可是事态的发展完全不同：妇女们没有屈服，而是继续战斗，并且有越来越多的妇女参加进来，甚至一次有300人之多。她们没有触犯任何一条法律，而只是如政治家们所说的“招人厌恶”。
对争取妇女选举权持反对态度的人或持批评意见的人的全部论点只是：你可以统治别人而不必得到他们的同意。这些人对我们说：“政府建立在力量的基础上，妇女没有力量，她们必须屈服。”那么，我们就向他们表明：政府根本不是建立在力量的基础之上，而是建立在同意的基础上。只要妇女同意接受不公正的统治，她们就会受到不公正的统治；但是妇女们直截了当地宣称：“我们保留我们的同意，只要政府是不公正的，我们就不会接受它的统治，”你们无法倚仗打内战的武力去统治一个最最软弱的女子。你可以杀死这个女子，而她却因此可以摆脱你；你无法统治她。我认为，这就是我们一直在向世界表明的最重要的一点。
现在，我要对那些认为妇女不会成功的人说，我们已迫使英国政府面对这样的选择；或者是妇女们被杀掉，或者是妇女们得到选举权。我要问这个集会上的美国男人：如果在你们国家里，你们面对着或者把妇女杀掉或者给她们以公民权的选择，你将怎么说？妇女中的许多人是你们所敬重的，你们知道她们中许多人的生平事迹是值得称颂的，你们知道——即使不是你们个人所认识的——妇女中有许多人为崇高的动机所激励，追求自由，力求获得为公众提供有益服务的力量。那么，对这个选择只有一个答案；如果你无意于使文明倒退两三代，那就只有一条出路：你必须给妇女以选举权。这就是我们的内战的结局。
你们在独立战争中，通过流血和牺牲生命，在美洲赢得了自由。在你们决心解放黑奴时，你们通过牺牲生命打赢了内战。你们把妇女自救的工作留给了你们国家的妇女，一切文明国家的男人都把这件工作留给了妇女。这也就是我们英国妇女正在做的工作。生命对我们是神圣的，但我们说如果有什么人要牺牲生命，那将是我们；我们自己不愿那么做，但我们将使敌人处于这样的境地：他们须在给我们以自由或给我们以死亡这二者中作出抉择。
Vocabulary Bank
1. advocate ［'?dv?kit20 ］n ~ (of sth.)（对一事业、政策等的）支持者、鼓吹者He was a lifelong advocate of disarmament.
他一生在为裁军奋斗。
2. suffrage ［'s?fri? ］n （政治性选举的）选举权, 投票权Women had to fight for their suffrage.
女性必须为享有选举权而斗争。
3. servitude ［'s?:vitju:d ］n 奴役（状况）
Such ill-paid farm work is a form of servitude.
这种农活的工资低得可怜，简直是苦役。
4. militant ［'milit?nt ］adj 用武力或高压的，好战的The strikers were in a militant mood.
罢工者群情激奋（随时准备采取激烈行动）。
5. enfranchisement ［in'fr?n?izm?nt ］n 选举权In Britain the enfranchisement of women was achieved in 1918.
1918年英国妇女获得议会选举权。
6. sympathy ［'simp?θi ］n ~ (for/towards sb.) 同情，同情心She never expressed any sympathy when I was injured.
我受伤的时候她从未表示过同情。
7. alienate ［'eilj?neit ］v ~ sb. (from sb./sth.) 使某人疏远或冷淡Many artists feel alienated21 from society.
很多艺术家都感到与社会脱节。
8. submit ［s?b'mit ］v ~ (to sb./sth.) 屈服或归顺于（某人/某事物）I refuse to submit.
我决不屈服。
9. nuisance ［'nju:sns ］n 令人讨厌的事物、行为The noise was so loud that it was a nuisance to the neighbors.
那声音大得让邻居讨厌。
10. consent ［k?n'sent ］v ~ (to sth.) 同意，允许She made the proposal, and I readily consented to it.
她提出了这个建议，我欣然同意。
11. alternative ［?:l't?:n?tiv ］n 可能性中的选择You have the alternative of marrying or remaining a bachelor.
你可以结婚也可以保持单身，任你选择。
12. emancipate18 ［i'm?nsipeit ］v 解放，使不受束缚（尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚）
Women are still struggling to be fully22 emancipated23.
女性仍在为彻底解放而奋斗。
13. salvation ［s?l'vei??n ］n 拯救、超度
I get so depressed24 about life, so work is my salvation.
我对生活十分悲观，埋头工作才可寻求解脱。
14. sacred ［'seikrid ］adj 神圣的、宗教的
In India, the cow is a sacred animal.
在印度，牛是神圣的动物。
15. sacrifice ［'s?krifais ］v 牺牲某事物
She sacrificed her career to marry him.
她为了嫁给他牺牲了自己的事业。
Language Guide
The Houses of Parliament
大不列颠及北爱尔兰联合王国国会，简称英国国会
英国国会是英国和英国海外领地的最高立法机关，首领为英国君主。它还包括上议院（The House of Lords）和下议院（The House of Commons）。理论上国会的权力并不归属于国会，而属于“君临国会”，尽管有争议，国会中的女王仍常被认为是完整的君主主权。
现代的国会权力属于通过民主选举而产生的下议院，君主仅作为象征意义的领袖，而由非选举产生的上议院，其权力也十分有限。
The House of Commons
英国国会下议院
英国国会由三大部分组成，它们分别是君主、上议院和下议院，当中又以下议院最具影响力。下议院是一个通过民主选举产生的机构，共有646名成员，称为国会议员，常用的英文简写则是“MP”（Members of Parliament）。此外，英国政府亦需要向下议院负责，首相如果失去了下议院的支持，就要下野。
Grammar Master
1. 连词but和yet表示转折或对照，都意为“但是，然而”，但是用法上还是有区别的：
but是并列连词，而yet则可作并列连词或副词；不可说and but，但可说and yet；but不可放在句尾，而yet可放在句尾；but表示对照或对立时，一般都比较轻松自然，而yet在表示对照或对立时，则往往比较强烈，时常出人意料；but在某些习惯说法中不可用yet替代。
例 This is strange and yet true.（正）
这是奇怪的，但是真的。
This is strange and but true.（误）
例 He is American but she speaks Chinese very fluently.
她是美国人，但她中文说得非常流利。（自然轻松的比较或对立）例 She is American, yet she knows little about American history.
她是美国人，但她却对美国历史知之甚少。（较强烈的比较或矛盾）- Let's have another try.
- 让我们再试一次。
- But how?
- 但是怎样试呢？（习惯表达法，不用yet）
2. would是will的过去式，它们都可以用来描述未来、表示意愿，但在用法上它们存在微妙的差别。我们会在以下的情况用will：
描述未来，表示人们相信会发生的事情。
例 We will be late.
我们要迟到了。
表示意愿，表示人们愿意做的事。
例 Do you think he will lend me some money?
你觉得他会借我点钱吗？
表示对他人的承诺。
例 I'll pick you up at 3 p.m.
我下午三点来接你。
would是will的过去式，所以我们用它来表示过去的事。
例 I thought I would be late.
我想我大概会迟到。
表示假设。
例 We would not have any money if we didn't work.
不工作就不会有钱。
表示礼貌。
例 Would you please copy these forms for me?
你能帮我复印一下这些表格吗？
收听单词发音 |
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suffrage
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| n.投票，选举权，参政权 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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penal
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| adj.刑罚的；刑法上的 | |
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militant
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| adj.激进的，好斗的；n.激进分子，斗士 | |
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militancy
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| n.warlike behavior or tendency | |
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brutally
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| adv.残忍地，野蛮地，冷酷无情地 | |
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ushers
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| n.引座员( usher的名词复数 )；招待员；门房；助理教员v.引，领，陪同( usher的第三人称单数 ) | |
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bruises
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| n.瘀伤，伤痕，擦伤( bruise的名词复数 ) | |
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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enfranchisement
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| 选举权 | |
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alienate
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| vt.使疏远，离间；转让(财产等) | |
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alienates
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| v.使疏远( alienate的第三人称单数 )；使不友好；转让；让渡（财产等） | |
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interfered
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| v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 )；调停；妨碍；干涉 | |
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imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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withhold
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| v.拒绝，不给；使停止，阻挡 | |
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demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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18
emancipate
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| v.解放，解除 | |
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19
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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kit
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| n.用具包，成套工具；随身携带物 | |
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21
alienated
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| adj.感到孤独的，不合群的v.使疏远( alienate的过去式和过去分词 )；使不友好；转让；让渡（财产等） | |
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22
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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23
emancipated
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| adj.被解放的，不受约束的v.解放某人（尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚）( emancipate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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depressed
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| adj.沮丧的，抑郁的，不景气的，萧条的 | |
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