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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
By Peter Fedynsky
Moscow
18 September 2009
Russian President Dmitri Medvedev (f) and Russia's Prime Minister Vladimir Putin (b)
Two recent high-profile articles are making news in Russia this month; one is a frank and widely distributed assessment1 the country's current and historic problems by President Dmitri Medvedev. The other article alleges2 that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin was behind a series of apartment bombings in 1999 in order to consolidate3 power in the name of security. But the U.S. publisher of that article has withheld4 its release in Russia.
Mr. Medvedev's article, entitled, Go Russia, has been widely distributed online and in print. It outlines Russian corruption5, lack of economic diversification6, demographic decline and authoritarian7 traditions.
The American publisher of the other article, Conde Nast, has not released it online or in the Russian edition of the U.S. men's fashion magazine GQ were it was printed.
The author, American investigative journalist Scott Anderson, alleges Russian security forces, not Chechen terrorists, bombed apartment buildings in several cities 10 years ago to frighten and then rally people behind Mr. Putin's promise to keep the country safe against terrorists.
Mr. Putin was still relatively8 unknown at the time. An independent translation of the article, titled Vladimir Putin's Dark Rise to Power, has appeared on the Internet. Russian officials have previously9 denied similar allegations.
President Medvedev says in his article that modern information technologies offer unprecedented10 opportunity to develop political freedoms such as freedom of speech and assembly, even if the ruling class resents the transparency that comes with such liberties.
Russian human rights advocates, however, accuse the Kremlin leader of hypocrisy11. They point to continued bureaucratic12 harassment13 and outright14 murder of investigative journalists who criticize powerful Russian officials. Activists16 also consider GQ's refusal to distribute its controversial article in Russia as a form of self-censorship aimed at protecting corporate17 profits against possible reprisals18.
Yevgeniy Khlov is information director of the For Human Rights organization in Moscow.
Unfortunately, says Khlov, it must be said that the West during the rule of Stalin, Brezhnev and now Putin protects its interests by submitting to the rules of the game set by totalitarian and authoritarian regimes, not only in Russia, but also in Africa, Latin America, and Asia.
GQ's Moscow office declined VOA's request for a comment on Khlov's criticism. Magazine representatives said earlier that Anderson's allegations were old news in Russia and did not warrant further attention.
Political analyst19 Masha Lipman of the Moscow Carnegie Center says the decision to limit distribution of the GQ article made an official Russian argument against a free press easier.
"The Russian government ... Russian officials are saying that things may not be ideal in Russia with press freedom, but they are not ideal elsewhere either," said Lipman. "And if the management of a publication may actually limit the distribution of a sensitive article in other countries, I think that it portrays20 them as pragmatic, maybe cynical21, but certainly not as proponents22 of press freedom."
The Secretary of the Russian Union of Journalists, Nadezhda Azhgikhina told VOA members of the organization have hopes President Medvedev will expand media freedoms in Russia.
Azhgikhina says there are already a fair number of hard-hitting investigative publications which feature very interesting material. She says there are also independent regional television stations, which stand out amid the monotony of national state channels. She notes that unfortunately officials do not act sufficiently23 on the information presented.
President Medvedev's article recognizes the need to develop and exchange information in Russia and provides the Kremlin email address for citizens to share ideas about solving the country's problems. But Yevgeniy Khlov says individual e-mails to the Kremlin represent the illusion of a discussion or choice. He characterizes the failure of President Medvedev to debate his opponents in last year's presidential election as a scandal, and calls for a competitive public exchange of ideas between officials and members of the opposition24.
Khlov says the fundamental issues of domestic and foreign policy in Russia are not debated; those who oppose the official point of view are not allowed to speak, to develop their positions or participate in a discussion. The activist15 says that realistically, there is no freedom of speech in Russia.
Nadezhda Azhgikhina of the Russian Journalist's Union says she does not have enough information to pass judgment25 on GQ's decision to publish or not publish an article highly critical of Prime Minister Putin. But she says the more discussions there are about press freedom in Russia; the sooner the country can experience a genuine social dialogue.
1 assessment | |
n.评价;评估;对财产的估价,被估定的金额 | |
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2 alleges | |
断言,宣称,辩解( allege的第三人称单数 ) | |
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3 consolidate | |
v.使加固,使加强;(把...)联为一体,合并 | |
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4 withheld | |
withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
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5 corruption | |
n.腐败,堕落,贪污 | |
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6 diversification | |
n.变化,多样化;多种经营 | |
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7 authoritarian | |
n./adj.专制(的),专制主义者,独裁主义者 | |
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8 relatively | |
adv.比较...地,相对地 | |
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9 previously | |
adv.以前,先前(地) | |
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10 unprecedented | |
adj.无前例的,新奇的 | |
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11 hypocrisy | |
n.伪善,虚伪 | |
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12 bureaucratic | |
adj.官僚的,繁文缛节的 | |
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13 harassment | |
n.骚扰,扰乱,烦恼,烦乱 | |
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14 outright | |
adv.坦率地;彻底地;立即;adj.无疑的;彻底的 | |
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15 activist | |
n.活动分子,积极分子 | |
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16 activists | |
n.(政治活动的)积极分子,活动家( activist的名词复数 ) | |
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17 corporate | |
adj.共同的,全体的;公司的,企业的 | |
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18 reprisals | |
n.报复(行为)( reprisal的名词复数 ) | |
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19 analyst | |
n.分析家,化验员;心理分析学家 | |
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20 portrays | |
v.画像( portray的第三人称单数 );描述;描绘;描画 | |
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21 cynical | |
adj.(对人性或动机)怀疑的,不信世道向善的 | |
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22 proponents | |
n.(某事业、理论等的)支持者,拥护者( proponent的名词复数 ) | |
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23 sufficiently | |
adv.足够地,充分地 | |
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24 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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25 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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