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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
Russia blames Ukrainian drones for explosions at two air bases within the country
Max Bergmann of the Center for Strategic and International Studies joins NPR to discuss the implications of reported Ukrainian air strikes deep within Russia.
STEVE INSKEEP, HOST:
The war in Ukraine is spreading beyond its borders. Russia's defense2 ministry3 reported explosions at two air bases inside Russia and Russia blames Ukrainian drones. Ukraine is not confirming if they're responsible. We've called Max Bergmann, a former U.S. diplomat4 and expert on European and Russian security at the Center for Strategic and International Studies. Welcome to the program.
MAX BERGMANN: Thanks for having me, Steve.
INSKEEP: Are you pretty confident that Ukraine really is responsible for these attacks?
BERGMANN: Yeah, I think this is - it's pretty clear Ukraine is responsible. There's been some pretty - I think maybe not direct statements by Ukrainian officials, but really hinting that - of their involvement. And this is something we've also seen from Ukraine before. They have struck at Russian territory previously5. But I think what makes this very different is the depth at which they were able to reach inside of Russia, striking a base on the Volga River, which is hundreds of miles from Ukraine.
INSKEEP: What exactly did the Ukrainians strike at that great distance, and what is its relevance6 to this war?
BERGMANN: Well, this was a strategic bomber7 air base that Russia was using to strike Ukrainian territory. And it - you know, this - the significance of this is that Russia - this is one of their most strategic bases. This is where they perhaps can have nuclear weapons as well. And to be able to strike so deep into Russian territory really calls into question Russian air defense, Russia's security procedures. And it demonstrates to Russia that Ukraine is - has the ability to put them under threat and will - I think significantly, it will cause some real issues within the Russian military.
INSKEEP: Well, let me think this through, though. Traditionally, this would be a normal part of a war. You don't give the enemy a safe haven8. Ukraine naturally would try to strike on the enemy's territory, the enemy's turf, if they can. But this is a nuclear-armed power with thousands of nuclear weapons that presumably would take extreme offense9 to strikes on its own territory. Haven't the U.S. and its allies tried to discourage this very thing?
BERGMANN: Well, the U.S. has, and I think the U.S. has made clear that any weapons that we provide, that we don't want those to be used against Russian territory, which is why this is significant, that this is - appears to be an organic weapon developed by the Ukrainians themselves or retrofitted essentially10. And I think, you know, what it sort of demonstrates is that Russia's nuclear blustering11 earlier in the conflict has proved rather hollow.
There's been a number of world leaders in addition to Western leaders in India and China that have also advocated or pushed Moscow to tone down the nuclear rhetoric12. And that right now is the one way that Russia has to escalate13 this conflict, because it is - it has escalated14. It is striking Ukrainian civilian15 infrastructure16 repeatedly and constantly. So Russia's ability to escalate would, I think, would be nuclear. And I don't think there's - I think that would have tremendous costs for Russia both internationally and I think domestically within its own public. I don't think there's domestic support within Russia to go to such an extreme step.
INSKEEP: I think you're telling me you're not terrified about a Russian nuclear strike. The possibility is out there, but you don't think it's really - they would see it in their interest yet.
BERGMANN: No, I think that's right. And I think what we've seen is that this isn't the first time that Ukraine has struck Russian territory, which didn't elicit17 a nuclear response. And we have to remember, what is Ukraine targeting? They're targeting a military target, unlike Russia, which is targeting civilian infrastructure. So I think this is very much inbounds of what we would consider - you know, maybe not rules of the game, but of a degree of, well, this is what an adversary18 is going to do in response to them being pummeled by missiles.
INSKEEP: I think you mentioned larger potential effects on Russia's military. Is there some broader strategic effect, that it would affect the morale19 or the approach or the thinking of Russia's military here?
BERGMANN: Yeah, I think Russia will have to examine its air defenses. Has it moved most of its air defenses into Ukraine? Does it need to create more depth? Does it need to shift how its forces are arrayed to prevent their destruction should there be an attack? And it will also simply be really uncomfortable for a lot of senior military officials inside the Kremlin that will be called to account. How could this happen? How could you allow this to occur? So I think it will add to sort of the infighting.
INSKEEP: Max Bergmann of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, thanks for your insights - really appreciate it.
BERGMANN: Thanks so much.
1 transcript | |
n.抄本,誊本,副本,肄业证书 | |
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2 defense | |
n.防御,保卫;[pl.]防务工事;辩护,答辩 | |
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3 ministry | |
n.(政府的)部;牧师 | |
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4 diplomat | |
n.外交官,外交家;能交际的人,圆滑的人 | |
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5 previously | |
adv.以前,先前(地) | |
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6 relevance | |
n.中肯,适当,关联,相关性 | |
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7 bomber | |
n.轰炸机,投弹手,投掷炸弹者 | |
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8 haven | |
n.安全的地方,避难所,庇护所 | |
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9 offense | |
n.犯规,违法行为;冒犯,得罪 | |
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10 essentially | |
adv.本质上,实质上,基本上 | |
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11 blustering | |
adj.狂风大作的,狂暴的v.外强中干的威吓( bluster的现在分词 );咆哮;(风)呼啸;狂吹 | |
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12 rhetoric | |
n.修辞学,浮夸之言语 | |
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13 escalate | |
v.(使)逐步增长(或发展),(使)逐步升级 | |
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14 escalated | |
v.(使)逐步升级( escalate的过去式和过去分词 );(使)逐步扩大;(使)更高;(使)更大 | |
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15 civilian | |
adj.平民的,民用的,民众的 | |
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16 infrastructure | |
n.下部构造,下部组织,基础结构,基础设施 | |
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17 elicit | |
v.引出,抽出,引起 | |
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18 adversary | |
adj.敌手,对手 | |
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19 morale | |
n.道德准则,士气,斗志 | |
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