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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
Why Did Trump1 Delay Security Aid To Ukraine?
AILSA CHANG, HOST:
Why did the Trump administration delay nearly $400 million in security aid to Ukraine? That is the question at the heart of the impeachment2 inquiry3 into President Trump. Was it because, as House Speaker Nancy Pelosi says, the president tried to coerce4 an ally to help him take down a political opponent?
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
NANCY PELOSI: The president abused his power for his own personal political benefit.
MARY LOUISE KELLY, HOST:
Or was it, as Republicans like Congressman5 Jim Jordan argue, a routine use of presidential power?
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JIM JORDAN: President Trump was still skeptical6 of giving hard-earned tax dollars to Ukraine, right?
KURT VOLKER: Yes.
JORDAN: You said that in your testimony7 as well. And the reason he's skeptical is - let's be honest - the guy doesn't like foreign aid.
KELLY: Our co-host Audie Cornish has been digging into that question and takes it from here.
AUDIE CORNISH, BYLINE8: This story isn't going to start in a smoky back room in the Ukrainian embassy or a grand hall at the State Department. Instead, we're going to the bowels9 of Capitol Hill to get help explaining from someone who usually has a front-row seat to how foreign aid gets spent - Tim Rieser.
TIM RIESER: Hi. How are you?
CORNISH: Rieser is a staff director of the Senate subcommittee that handles funding for State Department programs. He works for Vermont Democrat11 Pat Leahy. And Rieser's office is covered with keepsakes from around the world.
RIESER: This wooden bell from Somalia - you know, just to remind me of why we're here.
CORNISH: He usually works behind the scenes. His Republican counterparts on the House and Senate declined to speak with us. We found Rieser's office after following this Byzantine path of Post-Its that landed at a fortress12 of file cabinets.
RIESER: Oh, my God. That is a tiny fraction of it (laughter).
CORNISH: Now, a '70s-era law says a U.S. president can't unilaterally withhold13 funds designated for spending by Congress.
RIESER: They can't just simply decide, even though Congress appropriated money for X, we're going to spend it for Y.
CORNISH: Rieser says, the way it typically works - the White House can ask for a delay or even ask to halt funding altogether, but it has to tell Congress.
RIESER: We recognize that things do change, elections happen, governments are overthrown14, policies fail, and it makes sense to revisit them.
CORNISH: In July, the White House delayed Ukraine's aid package. Meanwhile, the Defense15 Department had certified16 that the country was making good on anti-corruption17 benchmarks, and yet the security assistance the Pentagon had asked for hadn't gone through. Rieser wondered if that meant the State Department aid to Ukraine might be frozen as well. Turns out, it was. When it comes to congressional funds, it's use it or lose it. So by the time September came around, the White House was skirting close to the deadline by which they were legally supposed to alert Congress to an official reason for the freeze. Then someone filed a whistleblower complaint. The White House released the funds shortly after. And by the end of the month...
RIESER: The whistleblower complaint became public.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
UNIDENTIFIED REPORTER #1: We've got breaking news as we come on the air in the impeachment inquiry into President Trump. Just moments ago, the House Intelligence Committee released a declassified18 complaint from that whistleblower against President Trump.
CORNISH: Here's how President Trump explained it all in an October interview.
(SOUNDBITE OF TV SHOW, "THE SEAN HANNITY SHOW")
PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: We have an obligation to investigate corruption.
SEAN HANNITY: Faithfully execute.
TRUMP: And that's what it was. In my opinion, that's what it was - is corruption.
CORNISH: But Rieser says this is actually part of a broader trend with this administration. Trump White House budgets have tried and failed to slash19 foreign aid, and the president isn't afraid to use diplomatic assistance as leverage20. Think back to when Trump worried about migrant caravans21 at the border.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
TRUMP: We stopped payment to Honduras, to Guatemala and to El Salvador. We were paying them tremendous amounts of money, and we're not paying them anymore because they haven't done a thing for us.
CORNISH: But Rieser says the delay on aid to Ukraine was unusual because it involved military assistance that had bipartisan support. And after seeing the notes from President Trump's phone call and that line, do us a favor...
RIESER: It's just fundamentally different. It was to try to obtain information that could be advantageous22 in a political campaign, which has nothing to do with U.S. foreign policy or U.S. national security.
CORNISH: Rieser doesn't buy the idea that Trump's team was essentially23 vetting24 the new Ukrainian leader.
RIESER: It was laughable. They've never expressed concern to us about corruption in Ukraine, not this White House - or, frankly25, anywhere.
CORNISH: There are ways for a White House to express concerns about corruption, and this isn't the first Republican administration skeptical of how foreign aid is spent.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
PRESIDENT GEORGE W BUSH: As you can see, I'm traveling in some pretty good company today - Bono.
CORNISH: This is President George W. Bush back in 2002. The Irish pop star was at his side, and Bush was announcing a program to monitor and score countries that received special grant funding from the U.S.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
BUSH: So the Millennium26 Challenge Account will reward nations that root out corruption, respect human rights and adhere to the rule of law.
CORNISH: Brad Parks helped run it.
BRAD PARKS: Is this Audie?
CORNISH: Yeah. How are you?
PARKS: I'm doing quite well.
CORNISH: I hear if there's one person who knows about aid to countries that might, like, be dealing27 with corruption, it's you.
PARKS: Guilty as charged.
(LAUGHTER)
CORNISH: Today Parks runs AidData, a research lab at the College of William and Mary that tracks foreign aid.
PARKS: At the government agency where I worked, the Millennium Challenge Corporation, we documented over 200 instances of anti-corruption reforms that were encouraged or otherwise incentivized by the U.S. government. And I'm not aware of a single instance in which the U.S. government made an ask for a government to investigate or prosecute28 a particular politician for abuse of power.
CORNISH: Parks says over the last 15 years, the U.S. has actually developed a pretty good framework for foreign aid to countries struggling with corruption. For example, in 2005, the U.S. withheld29 aid from Yemen when it looked like that country was backsliding on reforms. But everyone - Congress and the White House - they were all in agreement.
PARKS: And they would ensure that all of the different parts of the U.S. government are singing from the same sheet of music, trying to reinforce the importance of adequately funding anti-corruption agencies and safeguarding their independence to ensure that they can investigate and prosecute abuses of power without fear or favor.
CORNISH: Yemen followed through, strengthening its anti-corruption commission, making government contracts more transparent30. Parks says Trump's handling of Ukraine this summer sends the wrong message abroad.
PARKS: You know, one of the things that I'm paying close attention to is whether the signal that other countries around the world will get is that the U.S. government is principally concerned with the strength of countries' anti-corruption policies and institutions or if parts of the U.S. government view anti-corruption institutions as tools to be used for very specific political purposes, which I think could undermine these broader efforts that have been underway for the better part of the last decade to encourage clean government.
CORNISH: OK, so with that in mind, let's go back to this moment.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
UNIDENTIFIED REPORTER #2: Can you explain to us now, definitively31, why was funding withheld?
CORNISH: The October press conference with Mick Mulvaney, the acting32 White House chief of staff and director of the Office of Management and Budget, or OMB. Mulvaney told the press the White House was worried about corruption in Ukraine and worried other countries weren't doing their part to contribute.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
MICK MULVANEY: Those were the driving factors. Did he also mention to me in the past the corruption related to the DNC server? Absolutely. No question about that. But that's it. That's why we held up the money.
CORNISH: But when pressed...
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
UNIDENTIFIED REPORTER #3: What you just described is a quid pro10 quo. It is - funding will not flow unless the investigation33 into the Democratic server happened as well.
MULVANEY: We do that all the time with foreign policy.
CORNISH: And Mulvaney didn't stop there.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
MULVANEY: And I have news for everybody - get over it. There's going to be political influence in foreign policy.
SAM BERGER: We were all a little bit shocked.
CORNISH: Sam Berger was watching, too. He used to work as a lawyer for OMB but under the Obama administration.
BERGER: Always happy to talk OMB.
CORNISH: And from his point of view, the White House did violate budget law in delaying assistance to Ukraine. We asked OMB to comment. They did not respond. Berger says if you look at the testimony from OMB officials during the impeachment inquiry, they say staffers raised concerns about the freeze on Ukraine aid; in fact, two quit in part because of it. And the White House, Berger says, carried on, having a political appointee sign off.
To you, why does this matter? I mean, are budgetary concerns like this impeachable34 offenses35?
BERGER: Well, also, it shows the irregular process that they undertook in order to route around career officials. You don't do that because you're doing something straightforward37, legal that you can justify38 to everyone. You do that because you're trying to cover up what it is that you're getting at. And so we saw, in a regular foreign policy process led by Rudy Giuliani and others, here we have an irregular budget process. So it's not that the violation39 of the budget law itself is an impeachable offense36, but it's what it was used for, right? It was used to extort40 a foreign power to interfere41 in our elections.
CORNISH: Extortion, bribery42 - these are the terms that can land a president under threat of impeachment. But Andrew Natsios, the former head of USAID under George W. Bush, says he does not think that's what Trump has done.
ANDREW NATSIOS: I'm a Republican - not a Trump Republican. I'm a Reagan-Bush Republican.
CORNISH: Natsios is now at Texas A&M University. Oh, and he's writing a book on the topic.
NATSIOS: Guns are not enough foreign aid in the national interest.
CORNISH: He says there are plenty of times he's disagreed with how the president handles foreign aid, like withholding43 support from those Central American countries.
NATSIOS: Did he have the right to do it? Absolutely. Was it wise policy? Absolutely not.
CORNISH: I asked Natsios about the president's hold this summer on aid to Ukraine. Was that, to him, an impeachable offense?
NATSIOS: Should Jimmy Carter be investigated because he provided a generous aid package to Egypt and Israel to get them to sign the Camp David Accords? Is that bribery? I don't think so. I agreed with him doing it.
CORNISH: Is there something particular about a request that would personally benefit the president?
NATSIOS: Yes. The question is you'd have to prove intent. He can argue, which is what he's been doing, that he was worried about the level of corruption in the Ukrainian government. You can be skeptical about his reasoning, but that is a legitimate44 question. Whether he had other motives45 for doing it is a debatable question. Is it impeachable? I don't think so.
CORNISH: And that decision will have consequences; consequences that extend far beyond the halls of Congress.
KELLY: That's our co-host, Audie Cornish, and that piece was produced by Sam Gringlas.
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1 trump | |
n.王牌,法宝;v.打出王牌,吹喇叭 | |
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2 impeachment | |
n.弹劾;控告;怀疑 | |
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3 inquiry | |
n.打听,询问,调查,查问 | |
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4 coerce | |
v.强迫,压制 | |
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5 Congressman | |
n.(美)国会议员 | |
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6 skeptical | |
adj.怀疑的,多疑的 | |
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7 testimony | |
n.证词;见证,证明 | |
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8 byline | |
n.署名;v.署名 | |
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9 bowels | |
n.肠,内脏,内部;肠( bowel的名词复数 );内部,最深处 | |
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10 pro | |
n.赞成,赞成的意见,赞成者 | |
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11 democrat | |
n.民主主义者,民主人士;民主党党员 | |
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12 fortress | |
n.堡垒,防御工事 | |
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13 withhold | |
v.拒绝,不给;使停止,阻挡 | |
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14 overthrown | |
adj. 打翻的,推倒的,倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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15 defense | |
n.防御,保卫;[pl.]防务工事;辩护,答辩 | |
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16 certified | |
a.经证明合格的;具有证明文件的 | |
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17 corruption | |
n.腐败,堕落,贪污 | |
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18 declassified | |
adj.解密的v.对(机密文件等)销密( declassify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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19 slash | |
vi.大幅度削减;vt.猛砍,尖锐抨击,大幅减少;n.猛砍,斜线,长切口,衣衩 | |
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20 leverage | |
n.力量,影响;杠杆作用,杠杆的力量 | |
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21 caravans | |
(可供居住的)拖车(通常由机动车拖行)( caravan的名词复数 ); 篷车; (穿过沙漠地带的)旅行队(如商队) | |
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22 advantageous | |
adj.有利的;有帮助的 | |
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23 essentially | |
adv.本质上,实质上,基本上 | |
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24 vetting | |
n.数据检查[核对,核实]v.审查(某人过去的记录、资格等)( vet的现在分词 );调查;检查;诊疗 | |
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25 frankly | |
adv.坦白地,直率地;坦率地说 | |
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26 millennium | |
n.一千年,千禧年;太平盛世 | |
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27 dealing | |
n.经商方法,待人态度 | |
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28 prosecute | |
vt.告发;进行;vi.告发,起诉,作检察官 | |
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29 withheld | |
withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
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30 transparent | |
adj.明显的,无疑的;透明的 | |
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31 definitively | |
adv.决定性地,最后地 | |
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32 acting | |
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33 investigation | |
n.调查,调查研究 | |
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34 impeachable | |
adj.可控告的,可弹劾的 | |
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35 offenses | |
n.进攻( offense的名词复数 );(球队的)前锋;进攻方法;攻势 | |
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36 offense | |
n.犯规,违法行为;冒犯,得罪 | |
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37 straightforward | |
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38 justify | |
vt.证明…正当(或有理),为…辩护 | |
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39 violation | |
n.违反(行为),违背(行为),侵犯 | |
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40 extort | |
v.勒索,敲诈,强要 | |
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41 interfere | |
v.(in)干涉,干预;(with)妨碍,打扰 | |
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42 bribery | |
n.贿络行为,行贿,受贿 | |
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43 withholding | |
扣缴税款 | |
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44 legitimate | |
adj.合法的,合理的,合乎逻辑的;v.使合法 | |
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45 motives | |
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