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Chapter 38 - Napoleon's interpretation1 of the war
The terrible spectacle of the battlefield covered with dead and wounded, together with the heaviness of his head and the news that some twenty generals he knew personally had been killed or wounded, and the consciousness of the impotence of his once mighty2 arm, produced an unexpected impression on Napoleon who usually liked to look at the killed and wounded, thereby3, he considered, testing his strength of mind. This day the horrible appearance of the battlefield overcame that strength of mind which he thought constituted his merit and his greatness. He rode hurriedly from the battlefield and returned to the Shevardino knoll4, where he sat on his campstool, his sallow face swollen5 and heavy, his eyes dim, his nose red, and his voice hoarse6, involuntarily listening, with downcast eyes, to the sounds of firing. With painful dejection he awaited the end of this action, in which he regarded himself as a participant and which he was unable to arrest. A personal, human feeling for a brief moment got the better of the artificial phantasm of life he had served so long. He felt in his own person the sufferings and death he had witnessed on the battlefield. The heaviness of his head and chest reminded him of the possibility of suffering and death for himself. At that moment he did not desire Moscow, or victory, or glory (what need had he for any more glory?). The one thing he wished for was rest, tranquillity7, and freedom. But when he had been on the Semenovsk heights the artillery8 commander had proposed to him to bring several batteries of artillery up to those heights to strengthen the fire on the Russian troops crowded in front of Knyazkovo. Napoleon had assented9 and had given orders that news should be brought to him of the effect those batteries produced.
An adjutant came now to inform him that the fire of two hundred guns had been concentrated on the Russians, as he had ordered, but that they still held their ground.
“They want more! . . . ” said Napoleon in a hoarse voice.
“Sire?” asked the adjutant who had not heard the remark.
Even before he gave that order the thing he did not desire, and for which he gave the order only because he thought it was expected of him, was being done. And he fell back into that artificial realm of imaginary greatness, and again — as a horse walking a treadmill12 thinks it is doing something for itself — he submissively fulfilled the cruel, sad, gloomy, and inhuman13 role predestined for him.
And not for that day and hour alone were the mind and conscience darkened of this man on whom the responsibility for what was happening lay more than on all the others who took part in it. Never to the end of his life could he understand goodness, beauty, or truth, or the significance of his actions which were too contrary to goodness and truth, too remote from everything human, for him ever to be able to grasp their meaning. He could not disavow his actions, belauded as they were by half the world, and so he had to repudiate14 truth, goodness, and all humanity.
Not only on that day, as he rode over the battlefield strewn with men killed and maimed (by his will as he believed), did he reckon as he looked at them how many Russians there were for each Frenchman and, deceiving himself, find reason for rejoicing in the calculation that there were five Russians for every Frenchman. Not on that day alone did he write in a letter to Paris that “the battle field was superb,” because fifty thousand corpses15 lay there, but even on the island of St. Helena in the peaceful solitude16 where he said he intended to devote his leisure to an account of the great deeds he had done, he wrote:
The Russian war should have been the most popular war of modern times: it was a war of good sense, for real interests, for the tranquillity and security of all; it was purely17 pacific and conservative.
It was a war for a great cause, the end of uncertainties18 and the beginning of security. A new horizon and new labors19 were opening out, full of well-being20 and prosperity for all. The European system was already founded; all that remained was to organize it.
Satisfied on these great points and with tranquility everywhere, I too should have had my Congress and my Holy Alliance. Those ideas were stolen from me. In that reunion of great sovereigns we should have discussed our interests like one family, and have rendered account to the peoples as clerk to master.
Europe would in this way soon have been, in fact, but one people, and anyone who traveled anywhere would have found himself always in the common fatherland. I should have demanded the freedom of all navigable rivers for everybody, that the seas should be common to all, and that the great standing22 armies should be reduced henceforth to mere23 guards for the sovereigns.
On returning to France, to the bosom24 of the great, strong, magnificent, peaceful, and glorious fatherland, I should have proclaimed her frontiers immutable25; all future wars purely defensive26, all aggrandizement27 antinational. I should have associated my son in the Empire; my dictatorship would have been finished, and his constitutional reign21 would have begun.
Paris would have been the capital of the world, and the French the envy of the nations!
My leisure then, and my old age, would have been devoted28, in company with the Empress and during the royal apprenticeship29 of my son, to leisurely30 visiting, with our own horses and like a true country couple, every corner of the Empire, receiving complaints, redressing31 wrongs, and scattering32 public buildings and benefactions on all sides and everywhere.
Napoleon, predestined by Providence33 for the gloomy role of executioner of the peoples, assured himself that the aim of his actions had been the peoples’ welfare and that he could control the fate of millions and by the employment of power confer benefactions.
“Of four hundred thousand who crossed the Vistula,” he wrote further of the Russian war, “half were Austrians, Prussians, Saxons, Poles, Bavarians, Wurttembergers, Mecklenburgers, Spaniards, Italians, and Neapolitans. The Imperial army, strictly34 speaking, was one third composed of Dutch, Belgians, men from the borders of the Rhine, Piedmontese, Swiss, Genevese, Tuscans, Romans, inhabitants of the Thirty-second Military Division, of Bremen, of Hamburg, and so on: it included scarcely a hundred and forty thousand who spoke35 French. The Russian expedition actually cost France less than fifty thousand men; the Russian army in its retreat from Vilna to Moscow lost in the various battles four times more men than the French army; the burning of Moscow cost the lives of a hundred thousand Russians who died of cold and want in the woods; finally, in its march from Moscow to the Oder the Russian army also suffered from the severity of the season; so that by the the time it reached Vilna it numbered only fifty thousand, and at Kalisch less than eighteen thousand.”
He imagined that the war with Russia came about by his will, and the horrors that occurred did not stagger his soul. He boldly took the whole responsibility for what happened, and his darkened mind found justification36 in the belief that among the hundreds of thousands who perished there were fewer Frenchmen than Hessians and Bavarians.
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1 interpretation | |
n.解释,说明,描述;艺术处理 | |
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2 mighty | |
adj.强有力的;巨大的 | |
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3 thereby | |
adv.因此,从而 | |
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4 knoll | |
n.小山,小丘 | |
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5 swollen | |
adj.肿大的,水涨的;v.使变大,肿胀 | |
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6 hoarse | |
adj.嘶哑的,沙哑的 | |
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7 tranquillity | |
n. 平静, 安静 | |
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8 artillery | |
n.(军)火炮,大炮;炮兵(部队) | |
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9 assented | |
同意,赞成( assent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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10 mowing | |
n.割草,一次收割量,牧草地v.刈,割( mow的现在分词 ) | |
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11 croaked | |
v.呱呱地叫( croak的过去式和过去分词 );用粗的声音说 | |
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12 treadmill | |
n.踏车;单调的工作 | |
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13 inhuman | |
adj.残忍的,不人道的,无人性的 | |
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14 repudiate | |
v.拒绝,拒付,拒绝履行 | |
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15 corpses | |
n.死尸,尸体( corpse的名词复数 ) | |
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16 solitude | |
n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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17 purely | |
adv.纯粹地,完全地 | |
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18 uncertainties | |
无把握( uncertainty的名词复数 ); 不确定; 变化不定; 无把握、不确定的事物 | |
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19 labors | |
v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 );苦干;详细分析;(指引擎)缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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20 well-being | |
n.安康,安乐,幸福 | |
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21 reign | |
n.统治时期,统治,支配,盛行;v.占优势 | |
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22 standing | |
n.持续,地位;adj.永久的,不动的,直立的,不流动的 | |
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23 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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24 bosom | |
n.胸,胸部;胸怀;内心;adj.亲密的 | |
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25 immutable | |
adj.不可改变的,永恒的 | |
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26 defensive | |
adj.防御的;防卫的;防守的 | |
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27 aggrandizement | |
n.增大,强化,扩大 | |
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28 devoted | |
adj.忠诚的,忠实的,热心的,献身于...的 | |
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29 apprenticeship | |
n.学徒身份;学徒期 | |
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30 leisurely | |
adj.悠闲的;从容的,慢慢的 | |
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31 redressing | |
v.改正( redress的现在分词 );重加权衡;恢复平衡 | |
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32 scattering | |
n.[物]散射;散乱,分散;在媒介质中的散播adj.散乱的;分散在不同范围的;广泛扩散的;(选票)数量分散的v.散射(scatter的ing形式);散布;驱散 | |
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33 providence | |
n.深谋远虑,天道,天意;远见;节约;上帝 | |
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34 strictly | |
adv.严厉地,严格地;严密地 | |
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35 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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36 justification | |
n.正当的理由;辩解的理由 | |
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